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3 1833 01740 5272 








ANDREW J. Sobb!°' ^tbeas 

A.EXAKBER"^^^:^'^f.^^- ,,,,,, 

LAWTON ^'^^^^_ ,„^„^,^ 

OTZS A^=^'- --- _^ 
-IS AsSK™--3^^_^ 

WX.U.MH^^S- sava„.a. 

P. i^FUPPm""'^'^'"^ committee 


OTIS ASHMORE <,,„„„ k 

DAVID C. BARR6w::";.V.r Ath»^ "^NRY r. 

^- p- B«ooKs ::::;;:■■ :tt-| william wVi{oRi;oN:::rT.ZZ 


P. s. flippin'':^''^:::::------^"^,"^? °«ville a. park. 





THEODORE HENLY JACK University of Georgia 

nrld^ "ERTON COULTER -—.Emory University 

CLEO HEARON.. Uuiversity of Georgia 

PERCY SCOTT FLIPPm '^^"^^ ^cott College 


PERCY SCOTT PLIPPiN"M/n"°^'' ^"""'^ ^'^^^'T 
rL,iffiN, Managing Editor 


""'^ '-rr^^y^ '"'"■■'' '-''"'' 'y-^- '" Georgir^ 

// lUiam H. Kilpatrick, Ph.D. 

Macon: An Historical Retrospect" "" ^ 

Mtss Mary Lane 

HoweJl Cobb Papers ^° 

Edited by R. p. Brooks, Ph.D 

Book Reviews "^^ 

Exchanges _ ^^ 

Historical News ___ _ ^' 



The Georgia Historical Quarterly 

Volume V 


Number 3 



Teachers College, Columbia University 

The account here given is restricted in the main to the leg- 
islative history of the public school system of Georgia from 
the beginning of statehood up to the Constitutional Conven- 
tion of 1 868. It is much to be hoped that this confessedly 
meager account will stimulate to a fuller study someone nearer 
to the sources of information.' There is, for instance, enough 
material bearing upon the academy movement of itself to 
make an article, almost a small book in fact. The legislative 
development of the public school needs moreover to be traced 
in connection with the general history of the people so as to 
show the how and why of legislative movements. The most 
of this the present writer can do in this paper is to venture 
here and there a commonplace guess as to what may have 
caused the movement under consideration. 

At the time of the Revolution Georgia was less than fifty 
years old. About half of this time had been passed under 
an exceptionally well-meaning but peculiarly unfortunate body 
of trustees seated in England. After 1752, when the crown 
took over the colony, Georgia enjoyed what appears to be 
the unique distinction of having an item for the support of 
her schools, along with the rest of her civil expenses, included 

r ^^ h LitCbEo4w be stated in connection, that the writer has been unable to get access 
to the laws of 1844, 1848, 1861, and 1864 so that possibly, though not prob- 
ably, he has overloolcsd soia* Important Iteias. 

te 2 4 1995 

Allenlounty Public Library 


'n the annual budget of the House f.f r 

amount so provided, however conteZla ed 0"!^"'' J^' 
masters, one in SavannnK ' ^"""^^mpJated only two school- 

did„ot;uffice oLppoTLs: ':? V" ^"T'^' '"^ '" "" 
aii;^.i -"ppuic rnese, as we know from S P r" j 

allied correspondence • ^ ^^^ 

some measure influenced the m Ike ° o .h"' ""?■ ^'"" '" 

■777 to put into that documert artick UV'™""""™ "' 

Schools shall be erect-pA .„ ^ l 

" U,e general e^pef hrsje" "aTtT'^^r""' 

Shan hereafter point [outjand dir^t '^ ''*"''"'" 

Au;u::a'':;„T; jrtrei:':!""' ^""-^ <" ^^""-i- -<< 

« .veil by them ash d ,L ^"tirh"? "°'"""''"' '» <1° 
we may be sure that the nth, government, and if so 

sideration. Whethe or *rth"""T' "?"'<' '"'"^ '1"»' ™„- 
influence on the free state th ' "' P"'^''''"' ^ad any 

the beginning of the pubii dH' "'l'^ ' P™"^'°" ">"k' 
The wording-is a triflfob u.e bu 'd": I "T "' ""^ ""'■ 
was to be established in each cou".^ w" '"/ °"= ^'^''ool 
surprised to find soon after pelceTrnl ""'' ""' *^" ''= 
■on made for the establishment o? th^ '' "'i'^^) provis- 
(for the counties of Richln 1 4n,'" '^'"^"^ academies 
general provision for ertZl' f" '"'' '*'"■''=) ^"d a 
'and for an academyTeTch cou^''""^"" "' -""' 
'his the proper time it wonll h '' '" "" ""=■ Were 

'his act used in pla e tL term .■r"'"',;"^/" '"""'- "hy 
where in the act and later 1^ '"'""''■ ""^"gh eke- 

By^ House resoluTi:!„'T: Fel'T/sfiT^hl'-r""' '""■•■ 
or Trustees appointed for fh. r. ^ Commissioners 



"the whole of which amount shall be applied to the sole 
purpose of instituting such Academy agreeable to the Consti. 
tution and Charter of the University." The resolution fur- 
ther proceeded to name commissioners for ten of the eleven 
counties of the state.' 

The reference above given to "the Constitution and Chart- 
er of the University" opens up one of the most interesting 
bits of educational history to be found in the whole period of 
American life. By act of Feb. 25, 1784, the legislature set 
aside 40,000' acres of land for the endowment of a "college 
or seminary of learning," and appoirtted seven named men 
"trustees for the said college" and empowered them "to do 
all such things as to them shall appear" requisite and necessary 
to forward the establishment and progress of the same.* 

So far nothing especially interesting except priority of 
date. But on Jan. 27, 1785, an act was passed "for the 
more full and complete establishment of a public seat of 
learning," which contains certain remarkable provisions. 
The university was placed at the head of the State system and 
"all public schools instituted or to be supported by funds or 
public monies in this state shall be considered as parts or 
members of the University." The Board of Trustees of the 
university and a certain ex-officio Board of Visitors were to 
compose a Scnatus Academicus whose duty it should be to 
"consult and advise not only upon the affairs of the Univers- 
ity, but also to remedy the defects, and advance the interests 
of literature through [out] the state in general." Its further 
duty was "to recommend what kind of schools and academies 
shall be instituted ... in the several parts of the State, and 
prescribe what branches of education shall be taught and in- 
culcated in each. They shall also examine and recommend 
the instructors to be employed in them, or appoint person* 
for that purpose." It was further provided that "the presi- 

Georgia House Journal ms. p. 397 f. (14 Feb. 1786). Why Camden county 
abould be omitted is not clear. A tike amount later (ixed| at $815 wa> slTea 
as each new county academy was Instituted until tbe year 1836. 
This seems clearly the first legislative action founding a state university in 
this country. New York followed shortly after. May 1, 1784. Why the Univers- 
ity of Georgia authorities should yield their priority by publishing 1785 as the 
year of their foundation does not appear. 


dent of the University shall v.'cV" ^u . . 

as Z im^d T ^.r;, b °"a =' -""='i Abraham Baldwin 

Georgia, .nd ed., p ,83 ^' avs lf,"r°A^''"^"'^" °f 
verify this and thV .„„; • '^ • ^' ^^'^ ''"" ™aWe to 
who Ls Chai™ oitToT f '^^P'"^"^ °f ^^""^•n 
how came Stephens for R^M^' '°:'''°" ""= ''"'• But 
plan unknown a 4/timetThl'' """^ "" '" ""'O- ^ 
appears unknown in certaTn '? Ik 'yr.'"'^ '° '" ^s 
abroad ? True enou Jh ^n L "'■ ""'""S ''^'a"^ «e„ 

of French infl::n:ra"n?L".rs;oker„T; Jp"" .'" '""'"" 

rine of R.-.afbutto'';^^^,^;™^.''^ ou-t": 'Dir"";" 

as appears . .' mo remarbl??"'" "^°'"^- ^o far 

developments originatcdT; hln t '""7"'°" "< 'a'" state 

may be added in "ret "n "h '',7 ."" °' ''r '"'■ " 

functioned-notveryener^^eric n ■ """' Academicu, 

^he county, academ^ra ir "^; ■ ■:,^--;-" '?37. when 

on the statute book till ,8.0 But '11 ' '"'^ "">a,ned 

Plete establishment" never became a v,rr ^'"r"' """^ '""'■ 

tier people were not reld. f. u L ' '"""ality. A fron- 

ization. "'^^ ^°' '" '"g'' a degree of central- 

se^raf ctnTy "fd'ei.i^s'Zr'''''' '"^ ""= '"""^'"^ "' "« 

::^sir:nd h:£v' =^^^ 

r'oTlowed''two'^ir7,afir°'l78°7."'' "' """''"'' ^<=bool3 belo,. college grade 

Atlnata, 18S0. 


fund of $250,000 was set aside, the income from which was 
to be divided among the several counities in proportion to 
their representation in the lower house. The share of each 
county was to go to the support of the county academy or to 
be divided among the several privileged academies, if as was 
true in a good many instances special laws had been passed 
giving these academies equal participation with the county 
academy. The income from this fund varied from year to 
year, generally approximating $20,000. This would mean 
around $250 a year for a typical county. This support was 
continued until 1837, when as we shall later see the "Acad- 
emic Fund" was with the "Poor School Fund" merged into 
a "Common School Fund." 

The growth in the number of the academics shows an in- 
teresting increase. The following figures compiled from 
various original sources give the numbers organized or char- 
tered. The figures for the first two or three decades arc 
uncertain. A general provision was made as we saw, in 1786, 
for organizing counties in ten of the then existing counties, 
but it is difficult to say just when the actual organizations were 
effected. The later figures are quite accurate, in that they 
give the actual numbers chartered by the legislature. It 
must, however, be remembered that charters do not neces- 
sarily mean actual schools. Moreover, the same school was 
occasionally chartered over again. 


lJl!-UAlJi!,b ClIAKTlilUJn DATE 

1781-1790 5 5 

1791-1800 5 10 

1801-1810 4 14 

1811-1820 17 31 

1821-1830 107 138 

1831-1840 256 394 

The figures cannot be continued beyond 1 840, for the reas- 
on that from 1843 ^^^ courts as well as the legislature had 
the power of granting charters, and the court records arc 
not in print. The crest of the wave, however, had been 
reached in 1837, when 60 were chartered. The three years 


porVliltZ To TvlXlIZ'' "■ . ^''-^ PO-W' 

breaking down in thf sunda.ds neS """''"' ^ ' P^P"'" 
academy; the absence ofZTjL"^ '" constitute an 
be „/ owning school la^d 7nd 'hts^s^rd^T d '^'^ ^^^'- 
tage of participation in the star, .!. ,)' .'''"''' ""^ "^van. 
;e..b,e state Jnt of eheti;,::t-L;r?sT;i^gten b", ^ 

"ill ^ee to it, in future hat nnlh }^' ^°f" "'' '^gi^l^ure 
be granted to any body of trustees ,' "'.'T"^'"'"''''" »">»" 
•hat in such academy there shalh ' •■" " ""' """ "'"' 
'he year, the learned anguage a^d h'^J' "u'"" ' ""' "' 
■nathematics. Deception enou J h^^u"" ''""^'>« "' 'be 
«'mufac,uri„g academies «T ' ''"" Practiced in 

from the Trcasur; Wh;n s abLr/f ''^V'" «« '"°ne" 
claims to pecuniary aW th".^ u"^' "'"'' '""« "<> better 

...merely beciu::^^rHre t::;:te:f ^'j ti^z 

^^^il°' ^cadcmies.. S^- i'n" Vs^V^hf a^:! 


publication of the laws enacted by the state legislature in- 
cluded a report of the "branches of study" of the several 
academics receiving state aid. Of those reporting 51% say 
they teach the "higher" branches; 34%, "various;" and 
15^ say "English" branches. Five years later, 873/^ re- 
port "various;" II >2, "English;" and 1%, "lower." These 
figures seem to Indicate that half and more then teacliing 
Latin and other higher branches. 

The withdrawal of state aid in 1837 probably did not 
mean much as concerns support. The academy continued 
for several decades to be the main institution of secondary 
education, bu't gradually gave way before the public high 
school. So far as concerns our present study the academy 
movement was the earliest form of state participation in ed- 
ucation. For a time it promised exceedingly well. It is 
greatly to be regretted that the excellent foundation, real 
poineer work, was not built on. The extent of the influence 
of the academy system on the ultimate state system of public 
education is not easy to state. It probably prepared people 
to help think along the line of public interest in educational 
affairs. But the specific origin of our present state system 
is to be found in a humbler beginning. 

It is from the "poor school fund" that we trace the de- 
velopment of the idea of the free tax-supported and state 
controlled public school in Georgia. The first step began 
better than it continued. In December 18 17, it was resolved 
by the state legislature that whereas "... the education of 
the youth and the general advancement of useful knowledge 
are objects of primary importance; and whereas the present 
system of education in this state is not well calculated for 
the general diffusion and equal distribution of useful learn- 
ing;" therefore "the sum of $250,000 be . . . and are hereby 
set apart and appropriated for the future establishment and 
support of Free Schools throughout this state." 

This was evidently meant to be a school fund, the income 
of which should go to support schools. The idea of school 





funtls was then prevalent in the country. Connecticut has 
sold her western lands and invested the proceeds in a fund 
ample to support her elementary schools. An annual tax 
seemed an impossible burden, but a school fund, that was 
different. No plan was provided at this time ( i 8 1 7 ) for erect- 
ing these free schools. A year later in disposing of a newly 
acquired cession of land from the Indians, it was provided 
that "lots Nos. 10 and 100 shall be reserved and set apart, 
in each surveyor's district, for the education of poor child- 
ren;" and the net proceeds of the sale of fractional lots were 
similarly to be used. The same year saw the incorporation 
of the Savannah Free School Society for "affording education 
to the children of indigent persons." Three years later a 
similar society was formed in Augusta, and both were sup- 
ported in part from state and county funds. In 1820 the 
standing legislative committee on "Literature, Education and 
Free Schools" recommended that "a committee be appointed 
. . .to propose, arrange and digest a system of Education." 
This committee took two years and recommended a "Poor 
School Fund", which was accepted December 1822. "One 
or more fit persons" were to be appointed by the Inferior 
Court of each county "to superintendent the education of the 
poor children of said county." No child was to be received 
if his parents or estate paid "a tax exceeding fifty ceitts over 
and above their poll tax". A sum of $12,000 was appropri- 
ated to be divided among the different counties in proportion 
to the number of poor children returned. The appointed 
supervisors should "cause any of the poor children so return- 
ed to go to school at such school as may be convenient in 
their respective neighborhoods, and the teacher shall present 
his account". Tuition was limited to the "reading, writing 
and the usual rules of arithmetic". The ages were fixed at 
from 8 to 1 8 years and no child was to have his tuition fees 
paid for more than three years. It will be noted that while 
this was limited to poor children, these were in no wise to be 
segregated, and the state undertook no authority or respon- 
sibility for establishing schools. It had probably been bet- 

F.„m tWl'-^^'^^irs*: '"b d."l county had .he 
i„ the dircct,on of R""'"*"" '^^ ,„hich would well stand 
legislature pass for it a '°"1 syst m ^ ^„„„ty 

J,„3„ at this f V-.^Vrxl ne/ nd licensed, official visit- 
tax levy, teachers to be ■^^^""' ^ , from public 
ins; of schools, local trustees '» P'"","',,, i„di„ent. The 

r„ds. employ --^;::::^^z^tXTz\\o .8 a„d 

schools were to be fiee to a ' wn ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ _^j^ 
for white females from 6 to 13. .^^^ 

effect upon a vote of the P"P''^\;;='„d no other reference 
so startling an innovation, as I h^ve '"""d ^^ ^^^^^^^ 

,0 it. In .8^3 Glynn O"" Y f"°;^f '^ J,., „,an $2 state 
free for those ^^ose parents dd not pay ^^^ ^<j„. 

tax. Other counties followed, wthscho ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ 

cation of poor children ■ Jh"^ ;„'„^j j^ „ere much .0 
were publicly °^SX"lJorr^°-"°l to how they worked, 
be desired that we had '"f°™^''°" ' Gwinnet county in 
and whether only the P°- ! Ims .0 hav been free to all. 
.8^6 provided a ^V^'^- '^a /^ ^ Z, o.. in .83S author- 
7.!:;riXsotheTnfeS!r court to examine such teach- 
ers as were to -^f^l"l\\;::Z, ,ardly on the books 
The poor school 1™ of .8" ^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^_. ^^„ 

before amendments were caii distribution in- 

among other changes the annual fund ^^^^^^^ ^^^ 

creased from $.aoo to $^000 w ,,,i,faction. 

amend it as they w™^ *= '"" "'^^e administration was 


-l^^n::^U.rof X Hirr^-d "that the present 



free school system of Georgia is miserably defective. The 
fund IS entirely inadequate, and this though Georgia is 
possessed of ample means to consummate the most sanguine 
wishes of the philanthropist in regard to universal educa- 
tion. It recommended a committee to propose a complete 
system after correspondence with "such distinguished and 
intelligent persons in any part of the world" as might be 
deemed necessary. Two years later a similar recommenda- 
tion was made. By 1836 the annual fund for distribution 
had reached $25,000. 

At this time ( 1 836) the approaching distribution of the sur- 
plus revenue fund gave an impetus to the movement for a 
better system. It was resolved to devote one-third of the 
amount so received to a permanent "Free School and Ed- 
ucation Fund" and a joint committee was appointed "to di- 
gest a plan of common school education, best adapted to 
the genius, habits of life and thought of the people of Geo- 
rgia. That all necessary information might be had the 
committee was authorized to send a sub-committee of two 
to visit different parts of the United States, and particularly 
the New England states". They were further authorized 
to correspond with properly informed persons either in this 
country or Europe in order to get information regarding 
different systems of common schools" in Europe. Expenses 
up to $2000 were to be paid. This reference to European 
schools IS to be correlated with many studies about this time 
and later the Prussian schools in particular.' 

The rising tide of "Jacksonian democracy" seems fairly 
evident m these steps. There were outspoken complaints 
that the existing scheme was not democratic. The academies 
were unduly aristocratic. This spirit manifested itself 
clearly m the resulting bill passed in 1837. A general state 
tund for Common Schools" was composed of the pre-ex- 
isting Academic and Poor Funds and one-third of the Sur- 
plus Revenu e Fund. Five school commissioners were to be 

.. Cubberley. Public Education in the United States. (Boston 1919) p. 270 tt. 



appointed for each county by the Inferior Court. The coun- 
ties were to be districted, and the funds apportioned to these 
according to the white population between the ages of 5 and 
15. Each district was to have three trustees selected by the 
commissioners (or in default elected by the people). Com- 
missioners and Trustees were authorized to hold titles to land 
for school houses. State funds were to pay the teachers 
and furnish books and stationery to children whose parents 
were unable to pay for same. All white children to be taught 
as scholars in their respective districts. In thinly settled dis- 
tricts an itinerating system was provided the school to stay 
no more than three months in one place. Amendments adopt- 
ed the next year authorized the trustees to add to the school 
funds by public subscription and the several county courts 
were authorized in their discretion to levy an extra tax — not 
over 50% of the general levy — to be added to the common 
school fund. At last Georgia had on the books a compre- 
hensive public school system for all the white children. The 
distinction of wealth was still present, but state schools were 
provided for. The state purchase of education from private 
schools was to be abolished. 

But alas I the people were not ready for such a step. A 
provision in the original bill for compulsory local tax had 
been stricken in the Senate, 42 to 28. The amendment of 
1838 sought to accomplish the same end. But on top of the 
difficulty of organizing the new scheme came the great panic. 
Just what parts the respective factors played cannot now 
be stated, but in 1 840 the whole was repealed. The Common 
School Fund — less the Surplus Revenue, which seems to have 
got lost in the breakdown of the panic — was thereafter to 
be called a "Poor School Fund." Tuition was to be paid 
as before 1837 for all "whose indigence in the opinion of 
the justices [of the peace] entitle them to participation in 
the poor school fund." The academy support had been 
wiped out, the Surplus Revenue lost, a system of state schools 
given up, and the old stigma of "poor school fund" restored. 
Apparently no gain anywhere. 





In 1843 the Inferior Court was authorized upon the rec- 
ommendation of the Grand Jury to levy an extra tax to 
help "educate the poor children of their respective counties. 
The age limits were fixed at 8 and 16. At this time the Poor 
School Fund was declared to be 1733 shares in the Bank of 
Georgia, 890 shares in the Bank of Augusta, and all avail- 
able assets of the Central Bank. Disregarding the last named 
and assuming $100 as the value of the other shares, the 
total fund was now about $250,000, about what the Poor 
School Fund alone had been prior to 1836. The education 
funds had been made to suffer for somebody's bad manage- 

Following the repeal of 1840, there came a renewed in- 
terest in county systems. Bullock county arranged a scheme 
of free schools for all free whites between 7 and 18, paying 
tuition for not more than six months a year at not more than 
$3 a quarter. Bryan county adopted a "free system of educa- 
tion" "for all free whites" between 6 and 16. Emanuel tried 
much the same, but repeals changed some or all. In 1849 
justices of the peace wer authorized to certificate participat- 
ing teachers in Lumpkin, Union and Murray counties. In 
1847 ^^^ 1849 committees were authorized to report im- 
provements in the system but no change was made until 1 852. 
In that year a new bill was passed but still along the same old 
lines. The school fund was slightly increased. The ordin- 
ary of the county was authorized to levy and collect such 
tax as the Grand Jury might recommend for the purpose 
of educating the children of the poor. In 1854 the teachers 
of some 28 counties were authorized to furnish books at cost 
to the poor and have them paid for out of the Poor School 

In 1858 a significant step forward is taken, apparently 
in keeping with the movement which brought Joseph E. 
Brown of North Georgia into the gubernatorial chair. A 
new law was passed, with several progressive features. The 
sum of $100,000 of the annual net earnings of the Western 

and Atlantic Railroad was added to the school fund income 
and the principal of the Fund was to be increased pari passu 
as the state debt was paid off. Each county was author- 
ized to use these funds for the instruction of children m "the 
elementary branches" of education as it might see fit, "the 
plan to be devised by the Grand Jury and Ordinary. The 
Inferior Court on the recommendation of the Grand Jury 
was authorized to levy such additional tax as they might thmk 
fit. No teacher was to participate until he had obtamed a 
certificate of a board of examiners. The word poor is not 
mentioned in the act, and the eflort was clear to encourage 
progressive counties to move ahead. An amendment the 
succeeding year provided a Board of Education for each 
county, with power to choose its own county system, and 
defined "the elementary branches" to consist of spelling, read- 
ing, writing and arithmetic, and if desired English grammar 
and geography. This optional enlargement of the curri- 
culum points to progress over the poor school expectations. 
By special act the Boards of Education in Lincoln, Jasper and 
Terrell counties were authorized to locate public school hous- 
es and examine and employ teachers. The next year Gordon 
and Gilmer counties were authorized to organize complete 
county systems of free schools. So far as I can see these 
special acts were unnecessary, the general act permitting as 
much, but the general reaching out towards a real public 
school system seems clear. 

This brings us to the eve of the Civil War. The con- 
vention which passed the Secession Ordinance framed a new 
constitution. The constitution of 1789 which had lasted till 
1 86 1 included a provision that "The arts and sciences shall 
be promoted in one or more seminaries of learning" and 
directed the further support of "those already established."" 
This looked clearly to the actual opening of the state uni- 
versity already provided for but in actual operation till 1 801. 
That this provision contemplated support also to the acadc- 

. The ConsUtuUon ot 1789 had Ignored Ui« subject of educaUon altogeUiw. 





mies seems probable, though not certain. It did not, how- 
ever, indicate any strong determination to extend the range 
of state action in education. The Constitution of i86i' 
after discussion led by T. R. R. Cobb and N. M. Crawford 
adopted a provision that "The General Assembly shall have 
power to appropriate money for the promotion of learning 
and science, and to provide for the education of the people". 
The "learning and science" may be taken to refer to the state 
university. "To provide for the education of the people" 
clearly contemplates, as the words themselves and the de- 
bates indicate, a system of education for the whole people. 
The organic law had finally moved definitely though as yet 
only permissively beyond the mere poor school idea. It may 
be remarked as indicating the temper of the convention that 
an amendment was offered to this educational clause that 
any legislative action to carry it into effect be not valid unless 
passed by a two-thirds vote of each house. We may sur- 
mise that certain among the tax-payers were seeking to post- 
pone a supposedly evil day. T. R. R. Cobb, however, led 
the opposition to victory and the amendment was defeated. 

Naturally no progress was made during the war. Indeed 
it was impossible to hold what had been gained. The close 
of the war, however, brought some interesting legislation. 
Indeed the changed condition of affairs shows itself in a dis- 
tinctly different tone noticeable along several lines. The 
Constitutional Convention which repealed the Act of Seces- 
sion reenacted the educational clause of 1861" with an ad- 
dition providing for the early resumption of the State Uni- 
versity and for endowing the same. The legislature of 1865- 
66 — still in the hands of native whites, be it recalled — took 
several educational steps. It provided a board of education 
of Savannah and Chatham county to establish a system of 
schools for white children, and a similar provision for Colum- 
bus. By special resolution a committee of ten was appointed 

This constitution by a peculiar aberration or prejudice is ignored Id Poore's 
Federal and State Constitutions. 

Although Barnard's American Journal of Education (17 : 100) explicitly states 
that "in the Constitution of 1865, the educational provision was omitted." 

"to dieest and report ... a common school system for the 
state" The secession sympathies of this legislature are- 
any should doubt-amply shown; in its recommendat.on 
of '"he Southern University series" of school text books, m 
its var ous provisions for the maimed and ,nd,gent sold.ers 
o Ihis state, and in its resolutions relative to the .mpr.son- 
men. of that "illustrious prisoner of state, Jefierson Dav.s^ 
The legislative enactment of the next December (1866) 
following the report of this committee put O" the s.a^ 
books a complete "system of Georgia schools . A S ate 
Superintendent of Public Education was to be appointed by 
the Governor. "Any free white inhabttant-between the 
ages of 6 and 2.". and any disabled "soldier of this state , 
was entitled to instruction" without charge for tuition or 
Tncidental expenses". Each county was to have a commis- 
^oner of schools who should lay ofi the county into dis ricts^ 
Each district was to elect three trustees who should locte 
schools, hold real estate, employ teachers prescribe (in the 
absence of instruction from the State Superintendent a 
course of study and textbooks. Examination and "rtification 
of teachers were provided. Support contemplated state 
funds a county levy by the Inferior of not more than 100% 
on th state levy, and besides the possibility of private sub- 
:cription to exUnd school terms. Any branch of educa ion 
might be taught. The act was to go into effect Jan. I, 1868^ 
?he evolution seemed complete. At last provision tor an 
inclusive system of free public schools. 

What might have been we cannot say. The efforts of 
the nat te white to effect reconstruction under President John^ 
son's plan were blocked. The act of .866 was never given 
a tr al The state of affairs leading to the Constitution o 
868 created a new situation out of which came the act o, 
!; ut all of this lies outside the limits of our inquiry. 
We may in rcsumi sum our study. Phe colonial period 
furnihrd little beyond the suggestion that the government 
h uM OS r educltion. This the Constitution of 1777 <ie- 



clared, and a system of county academies under a state uni- 
versity was organized. A far-reaching and highly central- 
ized scheme of state education was devised but never put 
adequately into operation. Under legislative enactment the 
state university was instituted and the county academies or- 
ganized were from 1783 until 1835 given a fund for init- 
ial organization and from 1820 to 1837 were given in the 
aggregate an annual support of about $20,000, at that time 
a more liberal support, it is believed, than was similarly 
given in any other state. Efforts to provide elementary 
education for the people generally began in 1 817, but noth- 
ing was done until 1822 when a plan was adopted for pay- 
ing the tuition of poor children in any convenient school. The 
annual maintenance of this began at $12,000 and was soon 
increased to $20,000 and later $25,000. This gave little 
satisfaction anywhere. Various counties tried schools of 
their own, some for poor children, some apparently for all 

In the later thirties a stronger democratic feeling rejected 
the idea of two school systems and seizing the occasion of 
the Surplus Revenue distribution determined upon one in- 
clusive state supported and controlled system of schools. 
The advance step proved, in conjunction with the panic of 
1837, more than the state would stand and the year 1840 
saw the old "Poor School Fund" restored, the Academic 
Fund and the Surplus Revenue fund having apparently 
been lost. This lapse back to the Poor School idea contin- 
ued without much change until 1858, in spite of many efforts 
at improvement. 

In 1858 apparently under the leadership of Joseph E. 
Brown the word "poor" at length vanished from the educa- 
tional statutes. The school fund was quadrupled, and each 
county was encouraged to go as far as it would in the direction 
of a real public school system. The future looked bright. The 
constitution of 1861 registered in definite terms the new out- 
look. The close of the war saw the native whites put on the 
statute books a complete scheme for the free education of 



all white children, all branches of education contemplated. 

The claim often made that the native white South was op- 
posed to the public school in theory and practice finds m th s 
s^dy little support. The history in Georgia could be paral- 
Td in most of the country. From I777 to i837.thcre wa 
within the state a clear development and evolution of the 
public school idea. Then followed a set back m th.s case o 
two decades, the why of which is not altogether clear. The 
year 1858 marked a distinct forward step and the new out 
look was registered in the Constitution of 1861^ The year 
1866 showed that the evolution already long under way had 
been hastened by the war. In that year ^ '^°77h-;';;^ 
scheme of free public education was adopted only to be set 
aside by the management of affairs from without. 

Why was Georgia slow in developing free public schools . 
The surmise of one man may prove no better than another s 
The writer sees in a variety of factors, possible reasons for 
the slower development in Georgia: a rural P^P^l^^ion ha 
everywhere been slower than urban to take up the idea o 
tax supported schools; the relatively greater management of 
public affairs by the well-to-do possibly gave the larger tax 
payers a better opportunity for averting tax supported 
schools than was found elsewhere; the strongest re- 
ligious denominations in the state had originally grown up 
rather by ignoring than by cultivating education and accord- 
ngly were slower to bring effective inlluence to bear in be- 
half of education than were some other denommations m 
other sections. Slow or not, however, the development was 
there, falteringly but eventually, beginning with a subsidy to 
secondary education and a dole to the poor there came in the 
end an inclusive scheme for state schools free to all of the 
white children. 


Macon: an Historical Retrospect' 



History Club of Macon 

Mr. Chairman, Members of the Georgia Historical So- 
ciety, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

It is fitting that we people of today should turn back the 
pages of history for a short while and refresh our minds and 
re-inspire our hearts by a study of those who have gone be- 
fore. I deem it a pleasure to discuss with you past genera- 
tions and past accomplishments, so I have styled my paper 
"Macon: An Historical Retrospect" 

We will consider in this discussion only those people who 
are gone, but whose achievements must ever live in Macon 

Longfellow's Songs of Hiawatha will live in American 
literature as long as the term Indian shall be remembered, 
and our illustrious Lanier who sang in Macon will live in 
his poems of unsurpassed beauty and loveliness as long as 
the Chattahoochee flows down to the sea, and the sea fills 
the Marshes of Glynn. 

We have not changed the names the Southern Indians 
gave the rivers, though the plow of civilization has greatly 
modified the character of our streams. When De Soto cross- 
ed them, the waters were clear and sparkling. Ocmulgec 
means boiling or bubbling water from the number of springs 
along its course. Can you think of it as once like the Chatta- 
hoochee which means sparkling or bright colored rocks? 

"The white quartz shone and the smooth brook stone 

Did bar me of passage with friendly brawl, 

And many a luminous jewel lone 

Crystal clear or a cloud with mist, 

Ruby, Garnet and Amethyst 

Presented at the eighty-second annual meeting of the Georgia Historical Society 
April 29, 1921. 

Made lures with the lights of streaming sto«." 
So sings Lanier in his Song of the Chattahoochee. Bu 
cuttg down the forest and cultivating the so.l has made a 

" None°Jt!,e"rivers seem to have been named when De 
So^ cross d them Oglethorpe's crossing the Ocmulgee m 
'738 at the site of Macon is the first mention we have found 

•" t maTs°;":Uh''^fety that D= Soto was the discoverer 
of *e Ocmulgee river; that he journeyed wth^^army o 
Spaniards along its western ankt„ days^ T.o^^notable 
pvf-nts occurred durmg De boto s visii. wnt y 
t wa in he neighborhood of this river that the firs, cannon 
':as fi-^d upon American soil. De Soto h.mse H o a 

look the present city of Macon. , „, i„notli 

Almost every writer of Indian antiquities refers at length 

tothe'e molnds East of Macon, on the old Ocmulgee fields, 
which contain some of the most remarkable -u™^; f ™- ; 
Tn 1-774 Mr William Bartram, a celebrated Enghsh bota 

' U. a"d hilrian, who spent several years among the Indians 

?•" ^-:r;rdr 'jrarrof'irpr :l 

artificial hills and terraces, ma lowlands 

land extend fifteen or twenty ""^^^ ^'^"f ;:;,', e Creeks 
of the river. If we are to give "'f "° f^= ^\' °" "/ being the 
give of themselves, this place is remarkable lor b 



first town or settlement when they sat down (as they tcnn 
^ or estabhshed themselves after their emigration from the 
West, beyond the; their original native country 
Ihey afterward gradually subdued their surrounding enei 
mies, strengthening themselves by taking the vanquished 
tribes mto the Confederacy." vanqmsnea 

their tnbe^ They declared that they were here when their 
ancestors first possessed themselves of the region On mak- 
ing excavations for the Central of Georgia Railway, the 
engineers found some very remarkable flat skulls in the low- 

ectural P^^'k, '""T ^^^'^^^^ -ound-builders were is con- 
jectural Possibly, they were a colony of the Natchez jour- 

of Zr TT '' '^'' '^"' '"'""'• ^"^e^^te the traditions 

^^^^^i::^!::' ''''' ""'^^ '-'- ^ ''- '--' «^ ^^- ^ng. 

fulTiIl?"/°M '^°''" '^' V""'' ^'■^^ ^^"^^^t ^"y °f °"r beauti- 
ful hills of Macon on a fair day and see the eminence, for- 
merly known as Lamar's, but now known as Brown's Mount 

ertv If m" R T-? T;*'^ ^^^°^ ^^^«- ^t •« theprop. 
erty of Mr. Harry Stilwell Edwards, its base covering an 
area of three hundred acres, and on its summit the el a 
level area of perhaps fifteen acres • re is a 

the early belles and beaux of the city. According to the 
historian, Mr. John C. Butler, ''twas\here in spring ^ 
summer that melody and perfume filled its groves, IhUe 
dancing, singing and music of instruments enlivened is Toft 
summit, interspersed with many a joke as well as decant r 

Tountirs'' 7mo ' r""' ^'i "^^'^ ^^^'"' "^ 't^ -y^t^^ 

tountams (More of ancient history since these have long 
smce an dried up). It still abounds with flowers being 
especially noted as the habitat of the red honeysuckle and hf 
of Matn. "' ^'^ ^^"" ^^ °"^ ^'"^^ -^^'-g the a^^ 
In 1785, Col. Benjamin Hawkins, originally a United 



States Senator and a Revolutionary War officer who enjoyed 
the esteem of General Washington, was named as one of the 
Commissioners to negotiate with the Creek Indians. Col. 
Hawkins was the principal actor in all the treaties with the 
Creeks. Upon his recommendation to the War Department in 
1802, Mr. Jefferson insisted upon the privilege of establish- 
ing a fort and trading post on the Old Ocmulgee Fields. 

Though Col. Hawkins did not reside at the fort in East 
Macon, which bore his name and which was built for protect- 
ion against the Indians, he was a frequent visitor and nego- 
tiated much of his official business at that place. All the 
papers and manuscripts of Col. Hawkins that were not con- 
sumed by fire when his house was burned at the Creek Agency 
on the Flint River were collected by Mr. I. K. Tefft of Savan- 
nah, and published in the collection of the Georgia Historical 
Society many years ago. 

The settlement on the east bank of the Ocmulgee was 
known as Fort Hawkins until 1821, just a hundred years 
ago, when the name of Newtown was adopted. In the same 
year the land between the Flint and the Ocmulgee and the 
reserve on which Fort Hawkins stood, the remainder of the 
old Ocmulgee fields, was acquired by treaty, which was made 
at Indian Springs on January 8, and ratified March 2. On 
February 12, 1825, a final treaty was made at Indian Springs 
between Duncan G. Campbell and James Merriwether, on 
the part of the United States and a number of warriors and 
their brave chieftain. General William Mcintosh, after- 
wards so atrociously murdered by the Indians. 

On February 15, 1823, was held the first inferior court, 
and on March 20, the same year the honorable superior 
court of Bibb County met for the first time. The first pre- 
sentment was against a free man of color for retailing liquor. 
The first indictment was for stabbing. 

When Macon celebrates her first centennial in 1923 the 
Kiwanis Club of Macon propose to have rebuilt Fort Hawk- 
ins, as it originally stood, for an historic relic and remem- 
brance spot that the traditions and history centering about 



it may be preserved for the future. 

By an act of legislature the County of Bibb was laid out 
and organized, also commissioners were appointed to lay 
off the town of Macon on the west reserve of the Ocmulgee 
River. The county was named in memory of Dr. William 
Wyatt Bibb, a Virginian, who came to Georgia to practice 
medicine. He afterward removed to Alabama and was 
governor of that State at the time of his death. 

In 1828 the Fort Hawkins property embracing the orig- 
inal one hundred acres, was sold with the last of the reserve 
land and by an act of the legislature the whole reserve was 
surveyed and sold off into lots and Newtown was incorpor- 
ated into the town of Macon, which had been named in honor 
of another North Carolina patriot. Col. Nathaniel Macon. 
The first frame house on this side of the river was built on 
the corner of Fifth and Ocmulgee streets. 

One of the most distinguished men Macon has ever had 
the honor of entertaining was the Marquis de LaFayette, 
who visited Macon March 29, 1825. On a very recent anni- 
versary the Mary Hammond Washington Chapter, Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution, commemorated this event 
when they unveiled a tablet of Georgia granite fittingly in- 
scribed on the site of the Wayside Inn, the city hotel, where 
LaFayette was entertained during his brief visit here. Later 
this hotel became known as the Wayside Home, where the 
sick and wounded soldiers were brought from the Union 
Station and cared for by the women of the Confederacy. 

After an excellent dinner in honor of LaFayette, this toast 
was given by Edward D. Tracy, Esq: "Our illustrious 
guest, the friend of our country, of liberty and of man." To 
which the General replied and gave : "The town of Macon : 
May its prosperity continue to be one of the strongest argu- 
ments in favor of republican institutions." 

This account was obtained from an old copy of the Georgia 
Messenger, a pioneer sheet whose first paper was issued 
March 16, 1823. The Messenger was established by Major 
Matthew Robertson and later flowered into the Macon Tel- 


. TV, TeWraph was established in Decemberi 826 
cgraph The ^^^ra^^^ ^,3 editor and proprietor un- 

by Dr. Myrom Bartlett wno w ^ ^g^. 

Z X844 when he «- ^ .t pap wa" old to Joseph 
ebrated humonst. In '*55. '«« P 1^ ; „f ,he Macon 

Clisby who soon after commenceJpubh ,^^ ^^ ^^^_ 

Daily Telegraph " contmues ^ased from 

ember .869 the Journal ^n^ ^"seng J ^ ^^^^^^ 

.h. J. W. Burke ComP-V. A' W- «=,„„„„ ,3 Clisby, Jones 
and an editor. The 6.m »Y„'" ditor Mr. Clisby, was the 
& Reese. The venerable ;^"'° /^'Jceorgia. The paper 
acknowledged Nestor of the press of B__ .^ ^ol. 

cameundertheeontrolof Major J.K ^^^.^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 

Charles R. ?'"'!>'="•" T ,1' His name still heads the 
Telegraph from '^f'^Z^^V^^, as long as the Tele- 
St w5 fdu'e' muc" of the growth and prosper.ty 

°^r Macon Volunteer w^--ate^ AP^ - -J,', 
.This was the first m,htary org-zato ^^ ^^^ P^_^._^^^^^ .^ 

call of Georg.a for *-=2"cS later on in the same year 
Florida in 1836, also the Creeks '»' ^^^ ^ d. 

„hen forty-four Georg,acompansspng ^p_^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^.^ 

cd Large numbers of mihuamen > ^^ 

nation of Texas from f = Mevlli: i C al trTcounty, was 
five miles of M'lcon t Knoxvdle m ■ „„ ,„„e 

made the first flag of he State ot 1 • j^ volunteers, 

star emblem presented " ^ comp-J °j B ^^^ ,,„gg,e 

organized to go to the assistance 

for the '"dependence of Me«co^ „lebrated in Macon from 
Every Fourth of July ^^^ """ j. j „i,itary 

her earliest settlement and her sP|<=no.a ' p, j 

t^ons the Macon Hussars organized m^..^^^^^ ^ V^. 


:;: Ihe'tatral outcome of such P--- „„„,,„„ers 

On the second of J^-J^'/^t'ct, of the new board wa. 
were elected and among the first acii 





the planting of shade trees along the sides and in the center 
of the streets. Many of the graceful elms and majestic 
water oaks that now remain to adorn the city present a 
pleasing testimony of the taste and wisdom of the town 
authorities. The suggestion and plan of setting out the trees 
emanated from that enterprising and most useful citizen, 
Simri Rose, who planted at various times many trees and 
urged the importance of this essential ornament to the con- 
sideration of nearly every council during the long period of 
his life in Macon. 

Simri Rose came to Georgia from Connecticut in 1823 
and settled at Fort Hawkins. He immediately purchased 
a half interest in the Georgia Messenger and continued with 
that paper until his death in 1869. He was a true chronicler 
of all important current local and state events. He was a 
natural horticulturist and florist, and devoted much of his 
time to the culture of flowers and fruits. At his death he was 
the oldest surviving member of the Macon Volunteers, and 
his attachment to the corps was marked. The stores and 
public offices were closed at the hour of his funeral. No 
marble column marks his resting place, but a great monu- 
ment is his — the whole of Rose Hill Cemetery. This ceme- 
tery was adopted by council in 1840. It contains one of the 
largest plots in the state devoted to the heroes of the Con- 

Macon plans to be the Rose City of the South and within 
the last few months hundreds of new rose plants have been 
distributed and planted. So the name of the city's benefac- 
tor will be most fittingly perpetuated. 

The first boat built in Macon for the river trade between 
Macon and Darien was completed 1833. A number of 
trips were made by a class of small crafts called mountain 
boats bringing from fifty to a hundred bags of cotton down 
the river and returning with groceries and farmers' supplies. 
In 1829 the arrival of the steamboat "North Carolina", 
whose bell was presented to the city and now arorns 
the triangular block, was the first boat propelled by steam 

■' ■ 

.hat navigated the waters of ^^;0.^^:XtZ"'to' 
, ew -■■";';-n;^:r,,t'b:t«:n thirty and forty 
Macon. There was =>« "^'^ ";"" , . muscular power, 
gat bottom boats propelled ""'' P°'" p^,- t,, f„m Savan- 
„ ed in Ma<.on for e nve trad. Fr^ ,^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ 

:: rtt^ rl'ade the trip In y— fsfarrs'X 
.Ji:::.r^::^ SSevli'lt Stance being 
forty-nine miles. sueffestlon and foresight 

The Central ""Bj- f ^^^.^Xld resolutions anent 
of Dr. Ambrose Baber who ntr seaboard 

.he construction f^^^f;ii::fSZ co-operation of 
on October i6, 1833, '"J * Assembly of Georgia 

Savannah was assured^ ■, l^TJh'tcv on December 10, 
granted the Central R^''''^'' ,^ ,'''" f ' Pennsylvania rall- 
?833. more than twelve V-^ ^ "^.f ^ i.^Teligth of the 
road was incorporated. In "'■ ™ , „„ting of 

Central, ,9' ™'«. was '""P''';^ /^^ "„ /^i "'.^at the fime 
.he Pennsylvania's ^l-'""' ;"4td owned ^y one corpora- 

f '""ft": r uTge ; I Mad' rndTavann Jh money that 
tion. it was largely uy u U n rather unique 

.he Central Railroad was ^-^-^j r i^.V^d BanJng 
fact that it was known as the t.-entrai ivdi 

15, i»3o./L vv . . nvestment with no re- 

but later in .B44 du ^e hea^ ^^^^^.^_^ ^^ ^^ 

turns made by the city in 11 decl ned to 

Macon became bankrupt and the price ot cotton 

.wo and one-half cen.s per P^lf- ^^,„^ing corps and 

Virgil Powers was a member of the surveying V 

iZ became a state railroad ""^--^ ,annah end but 




The first train on the Central arrived in Savannah in 1841 
the year in which William Wadley entered the service of the 
road. He became president in 1856. Through his wisdom 
and foresight twelve roads were united into one areat sys- 
tem under the control of the Central. His death occurred 
in 1882, and three years later, a handsome monument was 
erected at the intersection of Mulberry and Third Streets 
by the employees of the railroad and steamship companies 
of which he was the head "To commemorate the life of a 
good man and the ability of a great railway manager who 
rose from the ranks to the presidency." 

The three oldest railroads in the state are today running 
out of Macon to wit: The Central, the Georgia, and the 
Macon and Western. This will be an interesting note to 
observe when the City of Macon in 1923 celebrates her first 

There was considerable dissension as to whether the depot 
should be built in East or West Macon. It was decided to 

l^r''^ 'L^""'^ ^^''°" ^' ""^"y ^'^'^^"^ thought its location in 
West Macon in connection with the Monroe road would be 
mjunous to the interest of Macon and the Monroe How 
strange such an idea appears in this day of railway combi- 
nations, consolidation and amalgamation I The East Macon 
depot was later converted into the Bibb Cotton Mill No 2 
The eminence on which Wesleyan now stands was known 
as Encampment Hill and was used as a parade ground for 
the county militia. When this site was sold for a school the 
parade ground was changed to Camp Ogelthorpe at the 
foot of Pine Street where the fairs were then held 

The subject of female education was a live one in Georgia 
before Macon vvas even laid off. In 1835 the citizens of 
Macon contenriplated building a seminary for women in- 
dependent of the male academy and made application to the 
city council for a grant to this reserve for the Macon Female 
College. The Methodist Conference met in January 1836 
and accepted the tender of the people of Macon, taking the 



college under its fostering care. In this same year, the 
the school was chartered by the Legislature under the name 
of the Georgia Female College. To quote from the early 
historian this "Mother of Female Colleges" was the first 
institution in the United States or the world "lo burst the 
shackles of ignorance and superstition which had bound wo- 
man for three thousand years and kept her in the false posi- 
tion of a slave; whereas, she, of right, and by the command 
of God, should be man's equal." Consider how that first 
step has developed the Georgia woman of today. 

The first President was Rev. G. F. Pierce. The col- 
lege was opened on January 9, 1839, with 90 young la- 
dies registered. It was an occasion of great interest and 
deep and thrilling excitement. A high brick wall was 
built around the college grounds. One square within the 
front enclosure was planted with flowers. The girls call- 
ed this paradise. The first woman in the world to re- 
ceive a diploma from a chartered female college was 
Miss Catherine E. Brewer, later Mrs. W. S. Benson, the 
mother of Admiral Benson of Macon. One of the ear- 
liest laborers in behalf of the college and who canvassed 
the state for two years in order to establish it, was the 
venerable Dr. Lovick Pierce. May 12th is observed 
annually as Benefactor's Day in honor of Georgia 1. Seney, 
a Georgia Railroad Director, wholived in New York 
City, who was a friend of Wesleyan in her time of need, do- 
nating to the college $125,000.00. This included the endow- 
ment of the chairs of mathematics and astronomy so long and 
ably filled by Dr. J. C. Hinton, the present Dean of the Col- 

A new charter was granted in December, 1842, and the 
name of the institution changed to that of Wesleyan Female 
College. 19 17 the education of women had become so 
general that upon the request of both faculty and students, 
the term female was eliminated and it is now known as Wes- 
leyan College. 

Under the auspices of the Georgia Baptist Convention 



Mercer University was founded. The school was called 
Mercer Institute in honor of Rev. Jesse Mercer, a Baptist 
divine, and philanthropist, and one of the earliest advocates 
of a thorough educational system. It is interesting to note 
that Bibb County came near being named for Jesse Mercer, 
The school was located at Penfield and was opened as a man- 
ual labor school in 1833. A collegiate department was 
added four years later and a charter granted in 1 837. After 
eleven years experience the manual labor system was found 
to be inefficacious and by a resolution of the board of trus- 
tees, was abandoned. This institution was advancing in 
prosperity until the war, during which time the college did 
not suspend sessions as did most colleges. At a later period 
of the war a resolution was adopted tendering free tuition to 
the disabled confederate soldiers, many of whom gratefully 
availed themselves of this kind patriotic offer. Mercer hai 
extended a like opportunity to disabled soldiers in the recent 
world war. 

The city offered $125,000.00 and nine acres of choice 
lots in a most desirable locality to the University if it would 
remove to this place. The faculty opened the institution in 
Macon, temporarily on their own responsibility in 1870, and 
in 1 87 1 the trustees resolved to locate Mercer University 
permanently in Macon. 

These have served in the following order as presidents of 
the institution: Rev. B. M. Sanders, Rev. Otis Smith, Rev. 
John L. Dagg, Rev. N. M. Crawford, Dr. H. H. Tucker, 
Dr. A. J. Battle, Rev. G. A. Nunnally, Dr. J : B : Gambrell, 
Dr. P. D. Pollock, Dr. Chas. Lee Smith, Dr. S : Y : Jameson, 
Dr. W. L. Pickard, Dr. R. W. Weaver. 

The gallantry of the men of the old South is illustrated 
in the absurd incident told on an old gentleman named Dan- 
forth, an early pedagogue who taught in an academy on Pine 
Street. He possessed a Chcsterfieldian manner so much in 
evidence on one occasion when his way was blocked by a cow 
lying on the sidewalk. He politely raised his hat, and step, 
ping aside said, "Don't trouble yourself, Madam." 



Macon is noted as a city of schools and colleges, home, 
and churches. Pio Nona College, now St. Stanislaus, wa» 
ound d here in 1874 and Mt. De Sales Academy two year, 
later The Georgia Academy for the Blmd was located m 
MTcon in 1851, and originally occupied a s.e on the c.ty 
reserve and later the site between Orange and College 
eets, a part of which is now covered by the Navarro Llats^ 
In 1906 its location was changed to the beautiful site which 
it now occupies on the Forsyth road. , u u.A 

Since Macon became a city, December, 1832, she has had 
twenty-five mayors. Hon. Bridges Smith, the Judge of the 
Juvenile Court and present day historian to whom we arc 
indebted for much of this data, served the city as mayor 

for thirteen years. . , 

A number of progressive men were the orgamzers and 
first officials of the Macon Lyceum, and Library Society, 
which was organized the last day of 1836. Not until 1874 
was the Macon Public Library and Historical Society or- 
ganized. The S. B. Price Free Library, Night and Indus- 
trial School for working people, was opened in 1 900. 1 his 
institution is a monument to the man who was mayor of 
Macon for a longer period than any other person, except 
Bridges Smith, both occupying the office for thirteen years. 
The New Washington Library recently erected by Mrs. 
Ellen Washington Bellamy in memory of her brother, Hugh 
Vernon Washington, will soon be equipped and in use.^^ 

In the late forties Macon was one of the best show 
towns" in America, and although it was small in population 
compared to its present size, all the leading companies of 
the world were familiar with Georgia's Central City, and 
loved its people. Instead of being a one-night stand as at 
present, Macon had the actors as its guests long enough tor 
many close friendships to be formed between the towns- 
people and the players. Joe Jefferson's eldest son was born 
and cared for in Macon and the veteran comedian many 
years after, in a curtain speech at the Academy of Music, 
spoke feelingly of the happy memories he cherished for the 





old Macon, Mayor Washington, and the ante-bellum citi- 
zens. The first theatre was on the corner of an alley be- 
low Mulberry Street on Third, an old Baptist church. Con. 
cert Hall was the next and stood on the corner now occupied 
by Pellew's Pharmacy. It was in Ralston Hall, which occu- 
pied the corner of Cherry and Third streets, on which the 
Fourth National Bank now stands, that Thalberg, the cele. 
brated pianist, and Vieuxtemps, the equally renowned vio- 
linist, performed before a large and brilliant audience in 
1858, Macon demonstrating even as that early date her 
appreciation of the fine arts. 

Among other prominent visitors to Macon at various 
times were President Tyler; Henry Clay, who was given a 
reception in 1844; James K. Polk, who in 1849 visited the 
city; Millard Filmore in 1854; and Thackery, who included 
Macon in his lecture tour in the fifties, stopping with the 
Washington family at their home on the site of the New 
Library. He appreciated the view from Coleman's Hill, 
declaring it to be one of the most magnificent he had ever 
seen. He characterized Macon people as being polished, 
gentle and courteous. The visit of Stephen A. Douglas, 
who ran for president against Abraham Lincoln, occurred 
in i860. Admiral Dewey was a distinguished guest of the 
city in 1900. 

The Presidents of the United States were not forgotten 
when Macon named her streets, as Washington, Jefferson, 
Madison, Adams and Monroe streets now testify. Forsyth 
street was named in honor of John Forsyth, Governor of 
Georgia and Secretary of State in the Cabinet of Andrew 
Jackson. Tattnall Square took its name from Josiah Tatt- 
nall, Governor of Georgia in 1 801-2, also United States Sen- 
ator. Hardeman Avenue was named in honor of Colonel 
Thomas Hardeman, another famous Georgian. Cotton 
Avenue was an old wagon trail which was in use before the 
town of Macon was laid off. 

Whether or not she ever becomes the permanent capital 
of Georgia, Macon served once as a temporary State capi- 

tal In the first part of '65 the Legislature was to meet m 
Milledgeville, but Sherman was on his despicable march to 
the sea, and rivalling in his destruction the Germans' devas- 
tation of Belgium, Milledgeville was on the hne of march 
Therefore, Governor Joseph E. Brown and the members 
of the Legislature met here in our City Hall for about a 
month; in consequence Macon was the capital of the State 
during the month of February, 1865. 

The old barrel factory on the Central Railroad at 
Crump's Park represents a magnificent building erected by 
the Confederate Government as a laboratory for the manu- 
facture of small ammunition, but Wilson entered Macon and 
prevented it being used for this purpose, and it was confis- 
cated by the Union Government. 

The first telegraph message ever received on the end of 
a man's tongue was taken by Mr. John C. Butler, the mag- 
netic telegraph operator, who used that innovation out on 
the Columbus road when he cut the wire and sent m a re- 
quest for supplies and had no receiving instrument. Mr. 
Butler was the first operator in the United States to receive 
a message by sound, as previous to that time the Morse al- 
phabet of dots and dashes was printed on paper tape, which 
method is now only used to receive stock quotations ^^ 

In 1880 Macon is referred to as a "stuck-up village by 
its small neighbor, Atlanta, at which time the lighting -s 
by gas. It is said that the man who went around J^^t before 
day to put out the lamps on the street corners carried a lan- 
;7n to'find the lamps. No soft drinks, no vaudeville no 
movies then' Can you realize that where the City ot Macon 




a mention of three famous statesmen, Judge L. Q. C. La- 
mar, Senator A. O. Bacon and Judge Emory Speer. 

The ladies of the Macon History Club, which was or- 
ganized in 1890, have been keen in their appreciation and 
reahzation of the fact that no matter how glorious a prom- 
ise the future may hold for our community, that promise can 
never be fully realized at the expense of an unremembered 
past. They have treasured with a miser's greed but with a 
vestal's holy care each shining grain of Macon's golden 
dust. They feel themselves to be the keepers of Macon'i 

And in the march of progress they will not permit to He 
unremembered and forgotten, those men of past generations 
whose vision and accomplishments arc responsible for the 
present beautiful city in which we live. 


Howell Cobb Papers 

Edited by H. P. BKOOKS, PhD. 

University of Georgia 


Washington City, ist Jan., 1850. 

My dear wife : . u . it 

New Year's day has ^or^^ ^^^J^ ZlZt^^Z":: o^ 
i, not too late to w,sh you a happy one a ' ^11 

i. As you know th,s .s qu. e a ga a day n ^ ^^g ^^ ^^^ 
the world and h,s w.fe are 0""°''='^ president's man- 

wcker, taking the grand ■■°""<'; '/""w y„, friends. Fol- 
,,on to the hu,«blest en.erta,n o New J ^ ^^^^ ^^^^ 
lowing the example of the othe d,g ^^^ ^^^^^^^^ 

doors, receiving the kmd of «"^»" J" „f ,he latter 

in return a bowl of eggnog -^ caU s^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^. 

brought from home a fact 1 ^^.^ ^^^^ ^„, handsome 
cate to my guests »"" '''fj " „.",_u i offered them. How 
compliments .0 the good *"^ "''f^;„° „ ,, „„d with what 
weary 1 have grown o-y blush ng bono,. ^__ ^^^ ^ ^^^^^_ 

gladsome feehngs would I "^"a^f^ ^„^, ,^ho cluster 

ful fireside commumon w. h f°f^/„';;„ f^t more sick at 
around my own hearthstone. I have neve ^^ 

heart with Washington '^^l'^Z.\t.ot know how 
determined to retire from P"^'" ' '. , ^^itement. promo- 
it is, but my feeling in regard t p ■ - e« ^^ ^^P._^ ^^^ 

tion, etc., is undergoing V""" ;",^^e ,,, p^ess on to gam 
shadow "Vanity of Vanities, all is Vanity 

:-^:Zr.... elected Speaue. or the TUlrty-tlrst Congress. 




MiUedgeville, Ga., Jan. ,5, ,8j„ 
Dear Sir : 

ifving, that could have ^"u 1 in fh ".'""."""'^ «"•• 
hope you will be able op "the "fie " T'^ ^'"^''- ' 
rily to your friends. '' '"■''"' ^^i^f^cto- 

.he^^'pS^rortlr-Ftf 'soT'"^"-' "''"^' -• -^ 

Committees. I think h„w ! " "P™ ">' Slavery 

-- heard no DZt'ZZ'tZ"' ''''"'' '" '^"- ' 

■t;-' toUtir^T^ -{yrr^-plel-rott 
l^ahn today that BirChv^n™' ^""^ '^'"S'' ^^1- I 
-^y to MiUedg Wl! fhat' he Wh' ""' =■" ■""^'-n o'n his 
lutions by way of a off ^e^ would introduce reso- 

.^o; your^cour^se u;:'^^ ■"0::;:%^^.'^°^ -<^ yr-" 

great" man, anyway you can fix"t " " " 

Whigstd'orm^e^atfrrtS'th" 1 '''"'" "' '"'>' ">e 
with a constitution nls la TT °' *^'''f°™i- 

- wrong, and places' th'f/j^^^,"'";''.'" 7 opinion 
"on, one from which „, !h n , ^"""^ '" ^ f^'^^ posi. 
recede. " "' ='^^" "'"mately be compelled to 

a MlTo''exp"H all f'r'ee'tletr^'f '' '^ legislature passed 
l^Jl^e the Senate ^"" '""" '^' ««=■ There is such 

Lior of the port, San 




Columbus, Ga., March 29, 1850. 
Dear Howell: 

I have had your letter of the 20 inst. for several days. A 
quite annoying effect of a severe cold has hitherto kept me 
from answering it. 

My opinions on the slavery question remain without any 
change. The developments since I saw you have indeed con- 
firmed them. In regard to acting on those opinions in the 
Nashville Convention should I be honored with a seat in it 
I have stated my position in a letter to one of the Newspa- 
pers of this place. There is not now a copy of that paper 
to be had here. The same letter however will appear in the 
next week's 'Enquirer (Columbus), and I will send you a 
copy of the paper. 

My opinions are shortly these : 

1. The North already has the will to abolish slavery. 

2. She is rapidly acquiring the power to execute this will. 

3. These two propositions being true abolition is inev- 
itable unless something shall be done to change this 'will' of 
the North, or to stop the acquisition of power. 

If there is a remedy within the Union embrace it by all 
means, if not, do not hesitate to go beyond for one. A rem- 
edy at any cost. 

Holding these positions you see that I am obliged to be 
opposed to any settlement of the Slavery question upon the 
basis of 'non-interference,' especially after we have learned 
from Genl. Cass, as we have done within these few days 
what is meant by the doctrine of 'non-interference;' viz: 
power of unlimited legislation by the people of the territo- 
ries even whilst remaining in a territorial state. We did 
not fight the battle for Cass upon that view of the doctrine. 
Wc held — we in the South at least — that we might take our 

LMiwyer of Columbus, Ga. and one of the ablest of the group of extreme pro- 
slavery men in Georgia. Associate justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia 1836- 
1861— Became a brigadier general in the C. S. A. 



slaves to the territories running no other risk than a decis- 
ion of the Courts against us upon the law as it stood affected 
by the treaty and by the constitution, not upon such laws as 
might be made by half breeds, Indians, and abolitionists, 
happening to be the 'prior inhabitants.' But indeed to be 
plain with you I must say that I regard the words "non-in- 
terference" 'let us alone' in the mouth of the North at this 
time a little better than insulting mockery. Whilst they had 
virtue in them they were never uttered. Last year and up 
to the time when the North had secured California she spoke 
no other language but that of the Wilmot Proviso. Look 
at the resolutions of every northern state Legislature voted 
for by Democrats and Whigs with forty thieves' unanimity. 
Now the object being accomplished they perhaps are ready 
to give up the functus officio means. 'Non-interference' will 
not stop at the acquisition of 'power' on the part of the 
North. But if she will consent to the Missouri Compromise 
line being extended to the Pacific that will retard such acqui- 
sition. It is all foolish to say slavery won't go to California 
if it has half a chance. Dr. Gwinn makes an ass of himself 
on this subject. So I go for the Missouri C. line in the sense 
in which that line was first adopted. If the South in Con- 
gress will stand up for it as one man earnestly, resolutely 
not merely so as to throw dust in the eyes of us here at a 
distance it can be had. I suppose this is not to be expected. 
I fear that the next Presidential election like Philips bag 
of gold is beginning to enter into the South. I must confess 
to you that I look with distrust upon Foote. If he expects 
the support of the South as vice President upon a ticket with 
Cass, I shall have to say that in my opinion he will be de- 

You call my attention to the fact that one party is unani- 
mous against a dissolution on the California issue and that 
no inconsiderable portion of the other is prepared to unite 
with them. Admit this to be so. Still I tell you that the 
votes of Southern men upon the question of its admission will 


be iooWed to. I do not believe that ten^- - . bejound 

in the state who are m favor °f «J"^'^^„ ^^y it should 
If we are to be degraded there .s no rea o„ w y^^^^_^^ ^^ 
be done by our own cooper , on. Tha^^^ ^^ ._^.^^^ ^^ „„ 
Cahforn.a were "-^^e as they a e ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ 

„an doubts who .s ca d,d. Let th^ ^^^^^^^^^ ^^ 
our throats. Never let us p ^^^^.^^ yourself to 

it of our own accord. But 1 tninn y sentiment 

some extent as to Southern opm on. rhe U" ^^^^^ 

in the South is (in) my "P"! °"J"j,^ "" U for President. 
Northern man can ""«">" e.t upon h.rneUt ^^ 

Not one. The fact .s and H^^^^'^. „( ,he North 
disguise it to ourselves, Sew"d speaks the v ,^ .^ ^^^ 

,nd not Webster, ^f ^.f "^ *f Jli; I that it ma, be 

South -rh,s being so, all talk ,s mere^ 

Bell's, resolutions contemplate cuttmg "P ^^-^^^^tcd to 
eral slave -«s-as part o h .ct. . I - /P,„.„,, 

any subdivision of lexas ii v.* ^^ 

wi'h its present boundaries and 'fj" '"^ f \„d ,bis for 
to be sold to the North as the --1= 'O".^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ 
a, least two reasons^ . We 'lave y^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ 

and a miss is as good as a mile. I w ^ ^^ 

win do us as much ^°:^;-;V ^^ ^To I^all 'he territory, 
jority. This «hey cannot f we are^o ^^.^^^ ^^^ 

,, The amount to be paid ''"=»' ^^ jouth is to 

the most part out of ""rselves, that is to say ^^ 

pay Texas for relinquishing to the North I 
Hu several nonslaveholding s'a es^ fh^ may b p .^ y 
business for the North and a '^"^""'Xis concerned. In 

— ^t\tinSi:f^^;::*T^^o:^^^ 

. — — ,„., ,859 For hl3 resoluUoas :iO« Coa- 



ly more than Texas five- A. ^u- 

as they soon wiU s and [he d„ ^^' T"^ "°" "'"''' """' 

the only securitlyfosUv! .7^ "'T' "^^" ""' ^' 

va.aB,e „,„ is:::£:':7i^z:'^:;;^r:!;r" 

no Wiicot PJZL°[Z:'Z Tf' '" ''' ?'"^'"' 

t ucdu letter. 1 nese are the or rmrlps A. j • 

let her insist of California \.LT\ ^^^^^^^'-'es 
frar debt shall be n L ' ' of i '"' '^'' ^^^ ^^^■^'^'^« 

bounds. Tha is fai at '^^^T'^'^ '""^^ ^^'^^'" ^^^ 

shall be passed Ja dial r;"^ '^T '^'' ' ^^"^^^ ^^w 
fraud. ^ "^'"^ '^"'"'^ ^"^^ another California 

at least not have to renrol.hT" Jr . ^^''' ^^'" ^^^ will 

should no. .he NoTjirit :rwt.t:f "Sh ^h"' 
to whoever you please. ^'^"^ ^^is 

My dear Wife : W^^^'"g^°" City, and April, 1 850. 

remains of Mr' CaThoun ""n ^""^ ^' ^''' '''P'''' '^ ^^c 

nounced in the L'^^X Jud^e^B^t^^^^ '''1 ^^ ^ 
dehvered by Messrs AL hi f " '^' "^ ^- C., and speeches 

had the plJast"o7 het^f: / of\Lt ^"Ae^^"^^-" • ' 
deed able, interesting and eloquent M ^^'^ .''''' '"- 
was that Mr. Webster was theT ^ ^ "^" judgment 

His address was olfin .T f^'f '' 'P""'' °^ *^^ occasion. 

touching reluent It maT; '."' "'^'^^ '"^P^^^'^ -d 
K y eloquent. It manifested a just & full apprecia. 



tion of Mr. Calhoun's character, and according to my no- 
tions presented a most faithful picture of the great dead. 
Others admired Mr. Clay more than Mr. Webster and it 
may be ithat I was at fault. I will ask you to read them & 
give me your opinion. In the House, Holmes spoke nearly 
an hour, wearing out the patience of every one. He was 
followed by Mr. Winthrop in a very handsome address, and 
he by our old friend Venable who acquitted himself quite 
handsomely on the occasion 


Washington, D. C, June 26, 1850. 
Dear John : 

I saw today a letter from a prominent Whig in your city 
in which he says in substance that all the Whigs except John 
Rutherford, and many of the most prominent Democrats, 
are decidedly in favor of the Senate Compromise bill and 
among that number he mentioned yourself, Chappell, Pow- 
ers, etc. He also says that there was a proposition to hold 
a meeting to give expression to that sentiment. Now if it 
be true as this letter says that such arc your opinions, I 
would respectfully urge the propriety of holding such a meet- 
ing.' I do so because I believe that the time has arrived 
when men should look practical results full in the face and 
decide deliberately upon the course of policy which we arc 
to adopt. The truth is we are destined to a mortifying and 
humiliating defeat if the mad counsels of some men should 
rule the day. It is not for me to question their motives nor 
will I do it, but I am constrained to regard the effect of 
their course as ruinous and destructive of the best interest 
of the South. The basis of the proposed compromise 
must either be adopted or else the miserable free soil policy 
of General Taylor will be ingloriously submitted to by the 
South. The choice is before our people and they should 

See Lamar's reply, July 3, 1850. Phillips (Ed) Toomla, Stcpheiia and Cobb 
Correspoiulence p. 191. 





counsel of their cooler judgments rather than their excited 
impulses in making the selection. 

Does it not present a singular spectacle to see the very 
men who would have ostracised me for advocating the Mis- 
souri Compromise line, now making that their sine qua non. 
If they had united with me at the proper time we could have 
obtained that line as the basis of settlement, but Mr. Cal- 
houn said, the South was sick of compromises and demanded 
the constitutional principle of non-interference: Weill non- 
interference is tendered and is to be rejected on the ground 
that the heretofore repudiated Missouri Compromise is pre- 
ferable. I have no patience with such men. If they believed 
today that we could settle the question upon the terms now 
proposed, they would reject it and demand something else. 
But I cannot present my ideas in a short letter like this hur- 
ridly written & will not attempt it. I have ventured to make the 
foregoing suggestions* from the circumstances alluded to in 
the first part of this letter. 

We shall be glad to see you here as soon as you can possi- 
bly arrange to come on. The weather is becoming exceed- 
ingly warm, and the approach of the cholera is giving us 
some uneasiness. If it should get in the neighborhood, I 
must arrange to get my little crowd off to Georgia, and 
should this Session promise to hold longer than the middle 
of August, I must get them home anyhow, as I am unwilling 
to keep them here after the sickly season sets in, which is in 

As to a settlement of the slavery question all is in doubt 
and uncertainty, though I believe that we shall finally adopt 
some plan substantially such as Mr. Clay reports. For my- 
self I am fully committed to it and am prepared for the is- 
sue if forced upon me by the extremists. 

Write soon, all well and send you much love. 



McDonough, Ga., Nov. 28, 1850. 

such a defeat, as the ultras '«« r"l.«J ^^ ^^j^. 

alleled. Out of a6o, I ^"PP''^^ "^'^^^7J„„ ,, ,h= outside 
«"", '" t tt"l"n;"w= beirthe:: ';:: average .aior 
Tof 6S0 a*d had thLe been a full vote 1 have no doubt 
we should have beat them 900. 

"Union as it is. evidence of 

But the North must not take 'h^;' f °\ ,„d ,u „. 
an unconditional submission by Georgia .0 any 
croachments upon the rights of the South^ The gi. 
slave bill must not be '"'"'"^^ "''^„,/;„7b abolished ii 
e.ecuted & earned o^- -;;-l"-,,„,p .He s.e, 

*;. ,r In^horrCergia is willing to abide by the se, 
airt^f .he pstion m!.e b .h.^- 

^art ofT f/s .r— rs'Sd the uLas dead^ 


cratic party are responsible for the posit 

political elements have been thrown. f.he^paf/''™ 

^hich is my opinion with 'he 'g^^h;f°- ";■ ^% ,.^ 

sole themselves -"'/h= " ' ^''^v^t a onsoling refl 
thors & finishers" of that ruin, wnat a 


relations, pp. 272-273. 





Already arc the signs indicating that there will be efforts 
made to reconcile & reunite the party. Cline in his last pa- 
per overwhelmed by the defeat, says henceforth, he is for 
democratic Union" & cries aloud "to your tents. Oh Israel." 
I am inclined to think that the Presidential election in 
1852, will find three candidates in the field. A national 
Union, an Abolitionist & a fire-eating candidate. If so the 
result may be predicted without the aid of prophecy. 

I wish you would write to me at MiUedgeville so soon as 
you get this letter. I would like to know your views upon 
the points touched. Not that I care as to the future for per- 
sonal considerations, for with my present feelings I have 
run my last political race. I am sick to some extent at least 
of politics. They dont pay. & but for the importance of 
the election that has just passed I would not have been a 

We are all well. 


New York, Nov. 30, 1850. 
Dear Sir: 

The "Union Safety Committee" of New York desirous of 
giving an extensive circulation to your Patriotic speech deliv- 
cred at the meeting at the City Hall, have taken a large Edi- 
t.on of the Herald for that purpose and by this day's express 
have forwarded to your address 100 copies which you will 
Oblige them by using as you may consider to the good of the 
cause, in which we arc embarked. 


Clarkesville, Ga., Feb. 11, 1851. 

• ... I hope you have formed a Union party in all 
the states out of the old Democratic & Whig parties. It 
may be difficult to do so in the North, East & West at 

present, but they will have to come to it, & it is the only 
way to defeat the abolitionists. If they do not organize such 
a new party, the abolitionists will always be bargaining with 
one or the other of the old parties & keep both parties in hot 
water for years to come. I have no fear of the South, they 
will hail the new organization with delight & will carry out 
its principles by acclamation, and I do not see what these 
Eastern, Western and Northern fellows arc afraid of, for 
really in principle there is not now a sufficient difference be- 
tween the Whigs and Democrats to keep them apart. . . . 


Washington, Ga., June 9, 185 1, 

Dear Cobb : 

Hope Hull handed me your letter upon the subject of 
secession and has no doubt informed you particularly of the 
direction which was given to the question, and the great 
aversion of a large number of the Conventon' to raising an 
issue upon it. The question was brought by Mr. Ilolsey 
directly before the Committee of 33 of which I was Chair- 
man and they declined to take it up upon the express grounds 
that the Convention last year had not made an issue upon 
it, and the party being formed upon the action of that Con- 
vention & nothing else, the whole doctrine of secession was 
an open question & any member of the party had a right to 
hold what opinions he pleased upon it without giving cause 
of complaint to any one & that whatever might be your own 
opinion it would in no wise affect their support of you. I 
think it was the wiser policy. I fully concurred in & main- 
tained it. The latter part of your own letter very fully sus- 
tains & demonstrates the wisdom of the course. I differ 
with you in some of your views but I do not intend to inflict 
upon you my reasons for the difference but assuming your 

Convention of the Constitutional Union Party, organized in December, 1850, to up- 
hold tlie Compromise in Georgia. The convention met early in June and uoiui- 
uated Cubb as tho Union candidate tor Governor. 





position to be taken upon the basis of your letter I will take 
the liberty of making a suggestion or two. 

If you are right in the position that the right of secession 
does not rightfully result from the compact your argument 
does not sustain it. Mr. Madison may be perfectly right 
in the opinion you quote that a conditional ratification was 
no ratification, & yet the right of secession remain untouched 
by the position. Your illustration also drawn from Louis- 
iana is a petitio principii. It may be true that the United 
States purchasing a territory does not intend it to secede & 
certainly does not expect it, yet it results from our system 
that when the territory thus acquired becomes a state as you 
truly say it has all the rights of the original states & there- 
fore if secession is one of these rights, such state undoubt- 
edly has it. Therefore you will perceive it docs not affect 
the question either one way or the other. The argument 
also drawn from the preamble of the Constitution express- 
ing the intention to form a "more perfect Union" is equally 
untenable, first because the Union might have been made 
"more perfect" & all the evils of the Confederation reme- 
died even with the right of secession expressly reserved, for 
secession was not one of the evils of the old Confederation, 
& besides nearly all treaties among independent & sovereign 
nations do declare & all such may declare themselves per- 
petual, yet nobody ever doubted the right of either sover- 
eign to annul or break them — it is true the other party 
judges of its own wrong from the infraction and adopts its 
own remedy, & such in my opinion is [illegible] the case with 
the doctrine of secession. The right is not perfect, certainly 
not capricious, but is held subject to the rights of the other 
party. I think a careful examination of Mr. Madison's 
opinions will be found in perfect accordance with this the- 
ory. Upon the whole if it becomes necessary to express your 
opinions upon this subject (and I think it will become both 
necessary & proper) while (such being your opinions upon 
the subject) you might question [?] the right in toto as re- 

sulting from the compact, I do not think it wise to argue 
it, but that it would be best to press your argument to show 
its utter immateriality in this contest. Our organization is 
based upon the idea of preventing the necessity of secession 
whether rightful or not. We ought [not] to grumble now 
when we say no cause for secession exists 


Atlanta, Ga., June 22, 185 1. 

My dear Howell: 

I take the occasion of Tom's' going home, to write you 
a hasty line, first to convey very friendly greetings, and in the 
next place to obtrude upon you an opinion. I am induced to 
believe from all I can hear that you will find it necessary to 
use great prudence & circumspection in the expression of 
your sentiments respecting the issues presented to the peo- 
ple. The design of our opponents is very clearly to gain 
credit with the people by occupying our conservative ground, 
and at the same time maintaining those States' rights doc- 
trines, which are doubtless very dear to a majority of the 
citizens of Georgia. 

Now upon the first of these subjects you can give them 
an easy overthrow, if you allow them to gain no advantage 
by the second. The people think the danger to the Union 
is past and they are therefore off their guard. So do not 
let them think that in your hands the State may be made to 
submit to future outrage. Give prominence to those por- 
tions of the Georgia platform which look to resistance in 
the events contemplated. I would have you absolutely to 
plant yourself there. I am sure you can evoke such a declar- 
ation as will quiet all tender consciences, and be consistent 
with your own opinions. Should the Constitution be broken 
in the judgment of Georgia, upon a matter vital to her, she 

treading Democrat. Know-Nothing candidate for Congress, 1867. detected; 
brigadier-general, C. S. A. killed at the tirst battle ot Manassas. 
T. R. R. Cobb, brother ol Howell Cobb. 







has every right which appertains to a free people. Why not 
so declare? 

I have at a late hour & with a bad pen written these sug- 
gestions, which you will believe come from a friendly heart, 
if not from sound judgement, as such you will pardon them. 
Write to me and let me know if at any time you caa visit Bul- 
lock. County. The democracy there requires to be looked 
after. We will make the arrangements for you. 


Sandersville, [Ga.,] August 6, 185 1. 

At a very large meeting of the Union party, held at the 
court house on the fifth instant, The following resolution 
was unanimously adopted. 

Resolved that we deny to the general government the right 
of making war upon or by force preventing any state from 
withdrawing from the Union who by a constitutional major- 
ity of her people determines to do so. And if in the minds 
of any such right exist policy and wisdom alike demands its 
non exercise. 

And the undersigned were appointed a committee to ad- 
dress you a letter communicating to you the above resolu- 
tion and requesting to know whether you agree or dissent 
from the propositions therein contained. And we desire an 
answer at your earliest convenience. 


January ist, 1852. 

My official engagements will preclude me from accept- 
ing your invitation to attend at Jackson Hall in Washington 
City on the 8th. inst. 


There is no occasion in the annals of our '^""""l' ^'^'f^^ 
1 Imore cheerfully celebrate than the one has ren- 

NTr in the long catalogue of our departed heroes .s ri.ere 

never have another. 

In alluding as you have done in your letter, gentlemen t< 
that memorable remark of this stern but just old man Th^ 
Un in must be preserved," you have awakened recoUec 
rions if the past, whose study may be „> for th 
future WhL Andrew Jackson uttered that e-Ph"'^ »" 

pregnan' -"'-"-'■ " "" ""' "= '^''""^l^rand 1 so 
nower nor the unguarded language of excited and exaspe^ 

ated f'eelhrgs. Its conception was founded ,n the esfma 
which th patriot and statesman had placed upon the mesi 
It hlessLs of our glorious union, founded upon a co 
"iu on which dtensel equalUy and justice to aU ,ts me. 
hers its utterance was the patriotic warn ng of the avio 
of his country against the dangers by which that country w 
b se^ nd th'reftened. He called upon his -ntrym n 
preserve the Union, and taught them by both h s precep a 
example that a union founded upon justice and cemented 
'prnTple could only be maintained and P«-rved hy a -r 
Lid and unbending adherence to the great P™<:'P'" 
r ght and justice, which constituted its firm foundatu 
The e cardinal principles of his democratic fa,*, made 
the man the hero, the statesman and the patriot. 1 he oc 
sin of ^our humLle assemblage is indeed an opportune . 
toTmbuIhis admiring friends with that ^P'"' ° P^^^'^^ -■ 
racv so happily exemplified in the life and character ot 
U^Ilr ous de'ad' Tha? democracy which teaches equa n 
,0 all, exclusive privileges to none, takes I 

1 From a draft in Cobb's handwriUng anions tha Grwin papers. 





upon the constitution as the embodied truths of our re- 
publican fathers, and looks to its maintenance and the pre- 
servation of the union, as one and inseparable, which scorns 
to purchase a frail tenure of political power with the surren- 
der of its most cherished principles, as a propitiatory offer- 
ing to recreant deserters from its faith and open reviiers of 
its doctrines, that democracy which teaches its followers that 
the surest guarantee of its success is to be found in the firm- 
ness and integrity with which its principles are maintained 
and defended by its true advocates and friends, which per- 
fers honorable defeat to temporary power ingloriously won 
only to be traitorously exercised — that democracy which look- 
ing to the future sees more danger to its permanent success, 
in the hesitancy of timid friends and the treachery of pre- 
tended advocates, than in all the other elements of opposi- 
tion to it combined. Such, Gentlemen, was the democracy 
of Andrew Jackson, may his true friends and admirers emu- 
late his earnest devotion to its principles and imitate his vir- 
tuous defence of its honored and cherished altars. 


Executive Department* 
Milledgeville, Ga., January 9th, 1852, 

I have signed an Act' of the General Assembly "to levy 
a Tax for each of the political years 1852 and 1853 and 
thereafter until repealed", and do not hesitate to express 
my cordial concurrence with the judgement of the Legisla- 
ture in this radical measure of reform in our tax laws. I 
entertain no doubt that it will meet the general approval of 
the people and in its future operations will realize the just 
expectation of its supporters. Our system of taxation is now 
based for the first time upon a sound and just principle, and 

1 Cobb was elected Governor of Georgia In October 18S1, as tbe candidate ot tb* 
ConsLitutloual Uaiou Party 

a From Executive Minutes, 1849-1865, pp. 281-283. 

s Acts ol tbe General Assembly, 1851-1852, pp. 288-286. Introduced tbe ad valorem 
metbod of taxing land. Previously land bad been taxed at so mucb per acre Ir- 
respecUve of Talue * 

thousand dollars, ($270,000) and f<" f^y^^' '»?J;,„ 
ninety thousand doUars ($9°.°o° '^ r" d h"uld y ITd an 

'; -"f" t^parnToftC «c?e^o:;r public 'd!bt, and 

!rr«sury the amount ^^""'/'"P'^'^^^''^!,''' fmean the sum 
blv as appears upon the face of the Act. 1 mean , 
cf'lhree hundred and seventy-five «h--d ^o la , ($375, 
nnn^ Whether or not that amount will be reaiizea u 
?ht Act mu t of necessity be a matter of conjecture. The 

'" T^r::.: the vame of the property of the State subjec. 

.0 taxatiL under this bill in '";f;:^^ZT<^TJ;^:i. 

dred and thirty-four millions ($334,000,000, 

,„. must be deducted .he amoun^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ 

ba° •: ! i ;ife man"e:Mhlt the amount realized from tb.s 





the amount will exceed the returns of the census, and some- 
thing may be added to the calculation, for the Increased 
property of the State, but at the same time it should be 
borne in mind that the returns made to the census taker, arc 
made with a view to the exhibition of personal and State 
wealth, whilst the tax collector encounters a very different 
feeling, when he seeks to ascertain the value of the citizen's 
property, for the purpose of imposing a tax upon it. 

These are considerations to be weighed in looking to the 
probable operations of this untried experiment in our sys- 
tem of taxation. From the language and whole spirit of the 
law, as well as from my knowledge of the wise and patriotic 
intentions of the General Assembly, I am justified in the 
conclusion that it was your intention to provide ample means, 
to meet the expenditure of the State; and that in your judg- 
ment the sum of three hundred and seventy-five thousand 
dollars ought to be raised in the present year, for that pur- 
pose. I concur with you upon both points, and on that ac- 
count have thought it my duty to make this comjnunication, 
to recommend the passage of a supplemental act, which will 
ensure the object, which was so evidently contemplated. The 
15th section of the Act, restrains the collection of a larger 
amount than the sum already designated. This is right and 
very properly takes from the Executive all discretion in as- 
sessing the amount of revenue to be raised. If the Act had 
stopped here, it would have been perfect in this respect, but 
by the 14th section the percentage is limited to one twelfth 
of one per cent, and in no event to exceed it. 

Suppose upon the returns of the Tax Receivers being re- 
ceived at the Comptroller's Office and upon the calculation 
being made, as required by the act, it should be found that 
one twelfth of one per cent will not raise the sum of three 
hundred and seventy five thousand dollars, you have pro- 
hibited a higher percentage, and have thus in such a contin- 
gency defeated the manifest object of your legislation. I 
feel quite sure that the members of the General Assembly, 
will concur in the propriety and duty of raising an amount 

have differed very honestly m he M" g ^^^^ .^ .^ 

and most equitable -°fe "' /^ '^^^Jl.ed and 
opinion that the sum of Ihree ,„ ^eet the ac- 

T^housand DoUats (*37S.oo°) - -^ J 
cruing of the &" =■ "J ,„ ^e realized from the 
tion, and that that amount ought ^^^^^ ^j^,^ 

taxes of the present year, I can se ^^,^„i .hereby 

triction should not be rem-^d -d '^e ?9^^^ o,„, , As- 
afforded of carrymg out the n«n ^^^ ^.^^^^^ 

sembly in any '°"""8="^'', 't' "othing to Executive d.scre- 
in mind that you are conning "om g ^^^^^.^_^ ^^ ^^ ^^j, 

tion in this matter, you ""'V "T ' ^^^ g^,,„„„ 

by him, to carry out your own mlg ^^^^ ^^^^ ^„„ 

iJnot authorized to °-,h: the calculation be made 

direct. It is whether tn ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^_^^. 

by him or any other P"^°";^^°J^., ^ ,<. him by this Act. 

acter I have indicated. 


Washington, D. C, Jan. 26, .85^- 

Dear Cobb : ,„ hand more than ten 

Your letter of the .oth. •"^', "" , ,„ „^, „ail from the 

days ago but we have b"" so deranged ^^ ^^.^^ j 

South lately that it seemed o b^ ^1-° , ^ ^.^at deal 

have moreover b"" "' *"^S ," y„,„-,.„/ and M.-ss.:.,^^' 
about the policy u,d,cated m .^.= J .^ ,„„„„,a by 

of the .5th., ""1™';'^*'.\;, ' bef°r= adjournment. Last 
our friends in 'he Legislature bet >,^,i^„^ p,,, J a 

night's mail brought "S-P'/se you want to know what I 
the Union meetmg. Ot course, y 



think about this — and I will tell you promptly I do not like 
it at all. In my opinion our party should have done noth- 
ing but reaffirm the principle of the Georgia Convention of 
1850 and called a convention of the party in the state to 
assemble in June after the Baltimore Convention to take into 
consideration the subject of the Presidential election. Then 
we should have had a clear field to act according to the dic- 
tates of duty and patriotism under the circumstances as they 
will then exist. In the meantime the moral force of our 
position in bringing about a sound state of feelings and 
sentiments in the North would have been much greater than 
it is now. If it had been successful — if the Baltimore Con- 
vention had in the meantime adopted our principles we could 
with great dignity as well as consistency have supported the 
nominee of that convention. And I can say for myself I do 
not intend to vote for the nominee of any convention that 
does not stand openly upon those principles. As the matter 
now stands we are spbject to the jeers of our bitter assail- 
ants both North and South. It is said we are "begging to be 
admitted to a feast" to which we have not been invited. It 
is moreover said that our men if sent will not be admitted. 
How this will turn out I cannot say. But suppose they should 
be sent and rejected — ;will we kick-up? If so what can we 
do? For we have already partially given a certificate of 
good character and endorsement to the nominee that the 
Southern Rights men will aid to put on the track. And if 
we do not send them, and should conclude to send the nom- 
inee how could we get along with an opposition ticket got- 
ten up to run a man put up by our opponents. As at present 
advised, I am utterly opposed to sending delegates either 
with or without instructions to that or any other National 
Convention which is not called upon our principles. By 
them, I want to stand now and forever, "through woe" as 
well as "through weal" to the "last extremity and at every 
hazard." I do not believe that either of the National par- 
ties sympathize at all with our organization. They look 
upon us as disturbers of the ancient order of things. Great 


U party with them, as great as the "D^- "^ ^^'^''^rirh:; 
Js with those that made ""^E"" ^'^^Ttm for putting 
want .0 put down these "- P'^ P^/^^; , „ do right. 1 
them down, unless they will "' '"" P^" „ „iu never ask 

elected member. 



Sou,her„ Co.,fedtZ Bv A^nT h",'" "''""' "' '*^ 

(Cleveland: Vhe A.hurH Q rk rt'" ^'"^' '''' °- 
394) '^'' Company, 19, j. pp 

An2'HltlberprD''"7^r"f'''/^ «-'^-- By 
Clark Company, ,9.9 p^! 403 r"'""^ ^''^ ^""- " 

"rltz::^Z^tz: -tT,:- "/ - r" "' ">-= - 

discus, the Indian a l"e of th^ ;/■'''""= "^ ''^'"^ «""' 

the author states in her P efat "ti 1 ^o' '"" '"' ?'■""=■" 
most interesting because it w ,i sho" "„'":"'' "Z?'' -^ ">= 
enormous orice that ,1, c ' '" Sreat detai , the 

having allow d hts If to" ^^'^ ^"^'^" ^'^ ^° P^V ^o 

nized. or rcservadon Indians a'^^^'^'^" ""^^ '^^ -1°- 
ities of the indep nSent rJh t ^T "°' ^'^^"" ^^e actiy. 
alo^yhe border:rhrert^^^^^^^^^ white .e„ 

on :!ri:^::, at^::f rih^^v^^r--^ --^^^ 

by the provisior^al GovernLnt fTt'^ '''''' ^"^ ^^'^^ 

Indian 'Vas enough in deh ^A "r'"^'"'"- ^^' 

something to say aboutsecess on '^:r^'-'"" Union to have 

be approached diplomat caJv-'W^^^^ '"'"'^^ °^ '^ ^° 

iecting the Indian^vTnran'exte^^:;'; ''^^^-^ "-^- 

dishonor, the Confederacv Lf ff f!"ounted to actual 

rity and political equali'anr "^''■"??>'"^ Political integ- 

try. not simply anlmpTy^al^ir? '^'r-r ^'-oun- 

jorate." After a review Tf ''Th 'r> ' ,^°"" ^^^ P'-otec- 

Indian Country. 1830 7860 ''^hTT^ ^'^"^^'°" '" the 

relations between the Indt; T °^ '^' P^^^^'^'-^y ^losc 

Texas and Arkansas the vn? ^''T'^ *nd the states of 

of the negotiations with the InSr "^^'^ '" ^^^^'^ ^^^ »tory 
witn the Indians conducted by Albert Pike 



and others, and of the alliance which resulted from these 
active proselyting efforts. 

We are told that negro slavery had "flourished as a legit- 
imate institution only among the great tribes" south of the 
Missouri Compromise line, but that "with them it had been 
a familiar institution long before the time of their exile," 
the slaveholders being, most frequently, the half-breeds. Of 
the reservation Indians, approximately 74,000 in number, 
all but about 7,000 lived south of the Compromise line, and 
various reasons are cited to show that it was easier, more 
logical, and apparently more advantageous for the Indian 
to espouse both slavery and secession than to align himself 
with the North. But the book gives little information con- 
cerning the extent to which slaveholding was actually devel- 
oped among the Indians, and although there is some evi- 
dence of unsolicited expressions of secessionist sentiment 
there seems to have been little independent and spontaneous 
feeling for the cause. The Indian as a slaveholder and a 
secessionist, as such, was apparently of little importance. 
Under the influence of propaganda, he seems to have be- 
come a secessionist because convinced that he would receive 
more favor from the South than from the North, rather 
than from any very ardent sympathy with the secession 
movement per se. And his active participation in the war 
was, as the author says, "a circumstance that was interesting 
rather than significant." 

Volume two begins its account of military participation with 
the Battle of Pea Ridge, or Elkhorn, in which the Indians 
who were brought over by Pike from the Indian Territory 
committed such atrocities, after their own manner of war- 
fare, that this was "the first and last time that they were 
allowed to participate in the war on a big scale. Hence, 
forth, they were rarely ever anything more than scouts and 
skirmishers and that was all they were really fitted to be." 
Throughout the rest of the war, however, they were employ- 
ed by both sides as auxiliaries in the guerilla warfare of the 





border; in the "steady, stubborn fighting west of the Mis- 
sissippi River which is either totally ignored or, at best, cast 
into dim obscurity." 

Other chapters tell of the activities of Lane's Kansas Bri- 
gade, of the Northern expedition for the relief of the Indian 
refugees in southern Kansas and the recovery of the Indain 
Territory, and of the growing discontent and suffering among 
the seceding Indians, whom the Confederacy was unable 
either to use effectively or to provide for and control. Late 
in the war an effort was made to reorganize and strengthen 
the alliance, but nothing could be accomplished. 

Both volumes are very largely documentary, with liberal 
quotations, in the footnotes and in the text, from important 
contemporary papers taken from the files of the Indian Of- 
fice. Volume one contains, in an appendix, the Fort Smith 
Papers and the Wichita Agency Papers in full. Under the 
difficulties of the documentary method, the author has not 
altogether succeeded in imparting to her narrative much 
unified interest, but she has performed a valuable service in 
making available a great mass of material which has not 
been used by other historians, 

C. S. T. 

Voting in the Fields . A Forgotten Chapter of the Civil 
War. By Josiah Henry Benton, LL.D. (Boston: Privately 

printed, 1915. pp. VI, 332). 

"This book is an attempt to portray an important phase 
of the Civil War, which has passed without consideration, 
and with little notice, by the historians of that period. Its 
preparation has required an examination of the Constitu- 
tions and legislation of all the States, south as well as north, 
and of their statutes allowing soldiers to vote in the field; 
and also of the legislative proceedings which resulted in such 
legislation, or in which such legislation was attempted but 
failed". (Introduction). 

The question of voting in the field was of less importance 

Southern btates. n t ^^^^^^ ^^,„^h it 

o„. party '" '''^/°"*-, by the soldiers' voting in .he 
was thought might be """° 7 Soldiers' voting acts in 
field, as was the case m the N°^'''-J°Xd,s having been 
the South must, therefore, all b '^^^'^^\^ .^e toldier 
passed solely for the purpose o P;""™^ ° 
L inalienable right - -k' Part m he governm^^ ^^^.^^_ 

country by voting . tour ot "> ^ ^ „„ ,,„, 

•-rirrS vlXg; eittrr;"Wor.brough ballot 

boxes Pl^^-l i" 'h' fi'W^ ^^.^^ ,,fc,„ ;„ ,he diHerent 

Various chaptes re au t ^^^ .^^.^.^, ^ 

states, with extracts irom B ^;„ Among the 

both for and against the soldiers voting m. t. 

most interesting chapters are the -;°" ^/^"^.^^ ts been 
occurred the only instances of f"""* ^fj^XTUere the 
able to discover, and the 'hap." »" Mj^^';",^^" „( fiad 

,i„. E,»,. « "■•>!"* ''"T'.l*;,. -tap.."" 

rth'e-oM-rXot^r r «^\]^ U .hi. 
Constitution abolished Slavery . 

There are few by-paths in the field of Civil war 



as interesting and as important as the path followed by Mr 
chapte"-" '""' "^ investigations of this "forgouen 

C. S. T 

Fh.D. (Columbia University Studies in History, Econom 
.cs and Pubhc Laws. Vol. XXXVI. No. il. (New Yorr. 
Columbia University Press, 19,0, pp. 324) ' 

from^'pn"^ '^' information in this monograph was obtained 
from Government publications, contemporary newspapers. 

in thirhr '"^^r^"^ -— ipt sources, which are' listed 
n the Bibliography. Among these are the Johnson Papers 
the Reconstruction Correspondence of General Griffin and 
General Reynods. and the voluminous files of letters writ 
ten to the provisional Governors of the state 

strSionT''°",'" '^'^'' throughout the war and the Recon. 

Ill of Z T '" "'"^ ""''' P""^'"- At the out. 
break of the war for secession from the Union, the state as 

years old. Standing between the old South and the new 
West, partaking of the character of both, every year ol 

v^TaMVtTat sh 'TV^""'-' ". ''' ''''-'^■' -^ '^ -- in- 
evitable that she should soon find herself in the political 

current setting so strongly toward secession". ThrouS 

the war there was a strong Unionist sentiment, although 

oloT.T '^' ^" ^'^ ^^'^'y «"' ^^'^ -f thos who hfd 
opposed the measures which brought it about, yielded and 
gave their support to the state and the new gove nment'^ 
The military operations in the state "were never ext^n^c 
and were confined to the border, and they therefore leT no 
errt^er^Tl ^- "'^^ 'V''^' ^^^ - existed in^S: 

d d the wo,k n? ^ '" " ^'"^'""^^ °^ "^g'-^ en^ancipation 
did the work of reconstruction bear a close resemblance to 

t2:LT "''^' ''' ""'''^ ^^^- - ^^^ seaboard"we:: 
Three introductory chapters of the book treat briefly 



of "The Secession Movement", "Texas during the War", 
and "The Break-up", when the armed forces of the state 
deserted from the field after the surrender of Lee, and re- 
tired to their homes, bringing with them panic and riot and 
turbulent lawlessness. Part I. treats of "Presidential Re- 
construction", with the constitutional convention of 1866 
and the restoration of the state government. Part II. covers 
the "Congressional Reconstruction", from the Act of March 
2, 1867, to the readmission of the state in 1870, when, "aftei 
nine years, tumultuous with political and social revolution, 
she was back again in the Union with her sister states". An 
"Epilogue" on "Radical Rule and its Overthrow" concludes 
the book, relating the four-year political strife bet^veen Re- 
publicans and Democrats, and Conservatives, until "the 
state was once more really in the hands of her own people". 

The entire process of reconstruction in Texas was marked 
by factional politics, the natural result of the earlier history 
of the state, which engendered much ill-feeling. Soon after 
the close of the war, "the approach of Federal troops and 
the return of numbers of refugees emboldened the Union- 
ists in many localities to form Union associations that did 
not hesitate to take up a partisan attitude", one such organ- 
ization even pledging itself "to vote for no man for office 
who had ever by free acts of his own tried to overthrow the 
government, but to support Union men always". The rad- 
icals, failing to control the convention of 1866. planned "to 
align themselves with the ultraradical clement in Congress 
in its evident intention of re-establishing military rule over 
the South and enforcing political equality between whites and 
negroes". The conflict became more heated during the con- 
vention of 1 868-1 869, the main points at issue being the "at- 
initio^^ doctrine (the long-continued, hot controversy over 
which forms a very interesting chapter in political history) 
and the division of the state. 

Future students of reconstruction will be grateful to Dr 
Ramsdell for his interesting and reasonably complete ac 



count of the political aspects of reconstruction in Texas. 
The main criticism to be made of the book is that the politii 
cal issues are somewhat over-emphasized, at the expense of 
the social and economic situation. With exception of a few 
short sections which are devoted to labor conditions and prob- 
lems pertaining to emancipation, the work is entirely political 
Notwithstanding the peculiar political interest attached to the 
period, we should have been glad to have more information 
concerning the conditions of the people, the problems of in- 
ternal administration of a huge state with a somewhat tur- 
bulent population in some sections, and the attitude of the 
people in general toward the issues raised by the Federal 
reconstruction demands. C S T 

Virginia Under the Stuarts, leo'j.ieU, By Thomas J 
Wertenbaker, Ph.D. (Princeton: Princeton University 
Press, 1 9 14. pp. XI, 271). 

The words with which the author of this monograph be- 

gms his Preface, lead the reader to expect something in the 

nature of a revolutionary treatment of early Virginia his- 

tory, in which the errors of previous writers will be exposed 

and corrected. "During the past few decades a flood of 

light has been thrown upon Virginia colonial history. Many 

letters, reports and other manuscripts have been unearthed, 

and in some cases, printed. Monographs, editions of old 

texts, legislative journals have been given to the public. In- 

vestigators have studied thoroughly statements and conclus. 

ions reiterated for centuries, and have proved them erroneous 

or misleadmg. What have long been considered the funda- 

mental facts m the history of the establishment of the nation 

have been attacked and overthrown. The author, in the 

present volume, has attempted to re-write the political his. 

tory of Virginia from the founding of Jamestown to the 

hnghsh Revolution of 1688, in a form that will make these 

newly discovered facts available to the general reader" 

Dr. Wertenbaker has, indeed, made full use of many Im- 
portant sources, and has added much to our previous knowL 



edge of the facts of Virginia history in the seventeenth cen- 
tury. But a perusal of the monograph does not discover 
any startling revelations. By neither the omission of the un- 
historical nor the addition of many minutiae, does the work 
materially alter our previous knowledge and understanding 
of the essential facts, the fundamental development, of the 

The monograph has considerable value, however, In great- 
ly amplifying the well-known facts, and throwing additional 
light on the men and the issues of Virginia's early years. It 
is one of the most important of recent investigations in this 
field, and with the works of Dr. Bruce will be indispensiblc 
for future workers. The book is especially strong in trac- 
ing the development of the cause of liberty, the struggle be- 
tween "an outraged people and an arbitrary and corrupt 
government". "During the years immediately following the 
Rebellion, forces were shaping themselves which were to 
make it possible for the colony to resist those encroachments 
of the Crown upon its liberties that marked the last decade 
of the rule of the Stuart kings, and to pass safely through 
what may well be called the Critical Period of Virginia his- 
tory". The best chapters are those on "Governor Berkeley 
and the Commonwealth", "The Causes of Bacon's Rebel- 
lion", and "Bacon's Rebellion". 

As compared with John Esten Cooke's history of Virginia, 
published nearly forty years ago, Dr. Wertenbaker's work 
well exemplifies the contrast between the modern method of 
historical writing, based on untiring research, and the older 
style in which literary form often outweighed the purely his- 
torical. The book was written directly from the most im- 
portant source material, and references are cited in support 
of all important statements. Sometimes, indeed, the reader 
feels himself rather close to what Cooke called "a mere jum- 
ble of unimportant events". This is not because the events 
themselves were unimportant, but because the author was so 
absorbed in his research and in accurately recording what he 






found, that he did not succeed in weaving his facts together 
into a narrative of sustained interest. The work suffers ac- 
cordingly, and most of the picturesque, the romantic, and the 
pathetic in Virginia's early history is obscured from view. On 
the whole, the work may be considered an excellent example 
of historical research, but a rather poor example of historical 
writing. C. S. T. 

Sectionalism in Virginia From 1776 /o 1861. By Charles 
Henry Ambler, Ph.D. (Chicago: University of Chicago 
Press, 1910. pp. IX, 366) . 

The history of sectionalism in Virginia is divided by the 
author into three periods: the first period ending with Bac- 
on's Rebellion and the resulting reforms in political govern- 
ment; the second covering the growth of the Piedmont dis- 
trict in importance and political influence, and ending with the 
constitutional convention of 1829-30; and the third period, 
the rise of the trans-Alleghany section, ending with the out- 
break of the Civil War and the dismemberment of the state 
by the formation of West Virginia. The monograph covers 
only the years from 1776 to 1861, although the introductory 
chapter shows how the natural features of the state and the 
widely differing elements in the population of Tidewater 
Virginia, the Piedmont, and the Valley, made conflicting in- 
terests and views inevitable. 

It was the author's original intention, he tells us, to write a 
monograph on the formation of West Virginia, "but a casual 
search into the preliminaries for this study soon convinced 
me that they were probably more important than the sub- 
ject upon which I proposed to write. Accordingly I gave up 
my original plan for a more difficult undertaking, the study 
of sectionalism in Virginia during the ante-bellum period", 
restricting the work mainly to political issues. 

Three criticisms may be made of the way in which this 
larger undertaking was carried out. The political differences 
were so closely dependent on the industrial and social differ- 
ences that it was a mistake to allow these to be so largely over- 

influences and developments. ^^ ^"^'^^^ conspicuously 
nesses that no men ,and few issues, stana oui f / 

,ng chmax f^'i ^^^^^"";.?" ^, .^e told that "the struggle 

and educational movements of ^h^^.'"""' ;°ff actors which 
natural antipathy be»^-. he -«.^^^ 

™"'t : ZliT" I h sfs .™Ot fs especially unfottuna.e 

r tir^Hpoiuic. ^ 

— rdrcS'shouldnotbe.^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

Zn ^sroAv The chapters on national polmcs, J.nd on 
tion, 1029-33 . Aiiv, r J ^orr, flrp not marked by the 
the two conventions of .8.9 ""I'* °;Yhief dUappointment 
same 'l-''^ ^f J/X ''Mstory otpolitlal Parses, .85.- 

tr Siti ^o W.a^o °wo states had been proposed 
6, . U'"="°"°' J^ jJ3^u3sedini8i6,intheconvention 

:r.t;^:n'J?n gen^X.hro..hou. the long p.iod of yea^ 

.as viewed as -/-//S y'eT^ hichtratl had 

ri'^irdSTetr: ntionil union and di.^^^^^^ 

ie^'otcs^^-n-eJcia, conventions, -ntroverstes on 
slavery, internal improvements, and state Hnances. It does 


y -' 



not give an adequate, well-studied account of the cryst^K 
lization of either disunion or dismemberment sentimerilj 
And in the concluding paragraph the climax of the wHo|( 
story is avoided, and we are told that "it is (lot the purpo^^ 
of this study to enter into a discussion of the consequences^ 
to show how tljc advocates of state sovereignty carried VIrt 
ginia out of the Union, and the radicals of the northwest Ijjl 
turn dismembered the 'Mother of Commonwealths' ''. Tfi 
show precisely this would seem to be the logical end of 
study of sectionalism. PI 

The volume contains a useful bibliography of eleven pagcv 
Chiefly relied on were the writings of cor^temporaries, nat^l 
ional and state documents, proceedings of the state conven»| 
tions, and, newspapers. The work is useful for its array of' 
facts, though disappointing in regard to assimilation, select* 
ion, and presentation of the facts. C. S. T, 

B R I E F N O T I C E S 

Country Life in Georgia In the Days of My Youth: AUq 
Addresses Before Georgia Legislature, JVoman's Clubs, 
Women's Organizations and Other Noted Occasions, ^y 
Rebecca Latimer Felton (Atlanta: Index Printing Conii' 
pany, 1919. pp. 299). 

The greater part of this interesting volume, written in 
the author's eighty-second year, is of no direct interest for 
the purposes of the Quarterly's book-review pages. Among 
the addresses and papers which from a large part of the 
volume, arc reminiscences of political or semi-political events 
with which Mrs. Felton was closely familiar cither through 
her own interests or through her husband, Hon. W. H. Fel- 
ton, and many addresses on a wide variety of topics. Among 
these miscellaneous selections are addresses on education, 
prohibition, and woman suffrage, and an interesting "Message 
to the Twentieth Century". All of these papers show th^ 
author to be far in advance of her time in many respects, an 



.„„est .h-.„Uer. a-d fe.Uss.y franU in cxp^ssion of her 

in Chapter I, which '". 1"^"^ ,Xn, of "Atlanta's Early 

Indian ^'■"^^"■'TrAh/So "„ "csting of them all, '^lav- 
Society'Yand, perhaps the most m^^^^.^^ ^^ ^^e 

ery in the South . Altnougn y ^ Mrs. Felton 

^ys are not only i"«"*"f,Xt "tt „g too book-form 

has done the South a «> "^"^ P, on questions of past 

""bIS the title essay, this — ^.kach'^S:' 
.u'eve. the eminent ''^^'Ufoponne °an War". Slight a. 
,d "A Southerner m *e ff ^ „ ,he classics of 

they are, both e«ays ^"'".'en with an uncommon hterar, 
war literature. They are written w ,„ ^^ 

Tharm, and with a fine percep -on of va ^^^ 

reminiscences a unique H"''5v „t,,io„s on the real sigmf 

,niniscences, so much « ^nef d ser 
icance of "the war", ""^ "'/J"'"? . ?„„ „„t, without an 
"The Creed of the Old ^^^.J^'^^l, feeling on hot 
partisanship, and ^j* ''"^Js o" "hich the Confede, 
Tides, the ideaU and *= P^'^'P^ , ^,^„ ,o reproduce tt 

,cy fought. "I >''« '"'iow how th' ■"=" °' ""^ 'T '" 
past and its P"^P"'7'' '"/"^ problems that confront, 
^f „y environment •""''.'fXt/and our brothers died f 


" ?:^Srtrnetire^I^o:onnesian war" draw, a CO 





parison between various r,.,! ,„j r •, . 1 

sented by the CivilWar of our Z . ""'l' '"''"S'" P^ 
ian War. "The very fct dead "nM' '' ' *' P''»P»™<^ 
friend, takes war forever out 'f i " "" ''«*• "'"")' «r' 
and it is war as a co„cr"e wh,i ,!,' ""^°''>' °' ^''"""»". 
sketches are marfceTb" 1 „t t Dar^'n""^'''"- «»"• i 

Tola;ror^:/:-f -"'^ "'^^^"^rr^"^ i 

- the aur::„irth;prs!'rea7ef ^''^ =^ '"^"«- 

C. S T 
TAtf Colonization of Nnrth J^ • 

Herbert Eugene BoltonfphDanlTh""' 'J?^-'7»3- By 
shall, Ph.D. (New York Th; M r"' '^''"""^ Mar. 
pp. XVI, 609). '^°'''- The IVlacmillan Company. ,9^0. 

.he"™; o7Eu7oTa:':;;a„si'o„TN '"i:T"' ™' ""->• 

•783. Text-books writtenTn tM. "" ^"'"'■" ''''»'" f 
colonization of the Nw World ?r";^-^ " " ™'^ ""' ">e 
of the thirteen English eoIo^l« I .' .^'"'"■''' "'"«'« solely, 

.heU„, estates. \t:iL'«est™?t''^""'T^^^ 
—from the standpoint of North Am. ■'^ '° """'" '"><''' 
giving a more adequate treTemen, f 1"" ,"' ' '>'''°>=. '"d 
other than England and oTthe e;/,: t' "l'""'" »' ""'•<«» 
the thirteen which revolted" ^ '""'" """^ 'han 

-Ted"Q;i:ttrad Etol^rir '-, ^--^ O- "«- pre. 
?f the different nations arefreated t^"7''--T'>= "'''"■"" 
'".the chronological order „Mc,r' L , " " P-'^^^'hle, 
bemg to give a correct view of h. ^^'^'''P'"">'. 'he desire 
velopment of the different Lio,^s" A IT^"^,'- '" ""= de- 
would have been required for a^v ,v, • '" '"'""" volume 
eoh'ny or any period ",[ ,?, ^"^ "'.'"'!" treatment of any 


*e authors hL ''one -^^raVSrcr-l^l- *-ho. ^ 

their efforts to cover so vast a subject on a scale which re- 
quired so much conciseness and condensation. 

To what extent the authors have succeeded in their account 
of American colonial history and European colonization, on 
this new plan of broader background, is for the teacher, 
rather than the historian, to determine. A chapter on "The 
Chesapeake Bay and Insular Colonies" treats of England 
Under the Early Stuarts, The Colonial Adminstrative System 
of the Early Stuarts, The Founding of Virginia, The Found- 
ing of Maryland, The Bermudas, Guiana, The Lesser Antil- 
les, and The Providence Island Company. Other chapters 
are similarly divided. Is it better for the college student to 
acquire his knowledge of the principal American colonies by 
themselves, supplemented perhaps by occasional chapters or 
by other books on European expansion and colonial admin* 
istrution; or to attempt to combine the entire field into one? 
It is the reviewer's opinion that the combination method is 
not as desirable as it might seem in theory; that the English 
developments along the South Atlantic coast, for example, 
and the synchronous advance of the Jesuits in Sinaloa and 
Sonora need not be studied in immediate sequence; that the 
student might better acquire first the knowledge of the Amer- 
ican colonies, and later, with this knowledge as a background, 
invade the larger field in more detail. 

C. S. T. 


The writer has recently had an opportunity to examine 
with some care the Pierson Civil War Collection of Prince- 
ton University Library. This collection, a gift to the Uni- 
versity from Mr. John S. Pierson, Princeton '40, originally 
corilHJncd nmrc than 3,000 volumes and over 2,000 pamph- 
UtH. AtKlitions uf more recent literature have shice been 
made from time to time. The collection was made by a 
Northerner, and naturally the Northern viewpoint and 
Northern literature are better represented than the South- 



howeve, are represented to a consid^^^t;^'' ""'^| 
Inevitably, some part of the collection is nof nf fi . • ' '■^■ 
portance, and the collection as a wh^ • ?[ ^"^ '"^^ 

very great rarities M^ f t u ^ '' "°^ "°^^^^« ^or any I 

of ereat value T^ ' • ^^^ ^"^""^ collection is one 

resented are the do itic J , "."'"'f'' "' "?"'"% "ell rep. 
recession, emancipal on 1 H* '"'' '^°"5'""i°»>l '^Pect, of 
and fore gn S of thr„/"°"''™"'°"' ^°^''8" ■•''«! W 

biography TherTfr:. f •'^ '^ "" "'g" question; and 
Georgia '■ "'' '™ "™» Pertaining distinctively "o 

look it. The t k are :e7:S:j "d ^"",' " °"'- 
are of easy access to any ."vesttator '"^ "'''°«='^' ""*, 

C. S. T. 



T'/iff Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society 
pf May, 1 92 1, presents an appeal for aid in the purchase 
of "My Old Kentucky Home" and its preservation by 
the state as a memorial of the song so dear to all Kentuck- 
ians. The appeal contains an interesting sketch of Federal 
Hall, the old Bardstown country homestead of John Rowan, 
where Stephen C. Foster wrote the famous song, and proc* 
lamations of Governor Morrow calling for aid in the pur- 
chase of the historic home. The second paper in the Register 
is on the Religious Development of Early Kentucky. This 
is a discussion from the printed sources of the religious de» 
velopment of Kentucky from the frontier period to 1830. 
, The frontier conditions are described, the rise of denomina- 
tional work from 1779 to 1800, the famous revival in the 
beginning of the nineteenth century, the rise of new denom- 
inations—the Cumberland Presbyterians, the Christians, the 
Campbellites, etc., and the activities of the denomination in 
education and publication. The third paper Old News by 
Alice Reade Rouse is a picture of life in Covington, Ken- 
tucky, fronij 1836 to 185 1 drawn from a bundle of old news- 
papers found in the garret of an old mansion of the Nelson 
family. The Register also publishes the letters and diary of 
James T. Eubank giving an account of the siege of Fort 
Meigs in 1813 and the fifth installment of Wm. E. Railey's 
history of Woodford County. 

The twenty-fifth number of theTransactions of the Hugue- 
not Society of South Carolina gives the proceedings of the 
meeting of the Society in Charleston, April 10-13, 1920, to 
celebrate the four hundreth anniversary of the birth of Ad- 
miral Gaspard de Colingy. The annual address on Admiral 
Gaspard de Colingy by Colonel William Gaspard dc Col- 
ingy is printed in full ; also another paper by Colonel de Col- 
ingy on the Family of Colingy and the Colonial Policy of the 
Admiral. A picture is given of "The Huguenot Church" in 
Charleston, founded by the French refugees in 168 1, the only 



one of all the churches founded by the Huguenots in Americ|l 
that exists to-day. The sermons preached before the society, 
in this church are printed: Colingy : the Patriot — the Chris- 
tian by the Reverend Florian Vurpillot and the Burning 
Bush by the Reverend Howard Duffield. Other addressif8| 
are: the speech of Dr. William de Beaufort, Counselor of 
the Netherlands at Washington, who spoke in behalf of- 
Queen Wilhelmina, a descendant of the great Admiral j th?!, 
Huguenot Spirit by Rev. Howard Duffield; the Huguenot^ 
in America and his Successor by Alphonso Trumpbour Clejn;-!, 
water; and the Huguenots of New Plaza by Ralph Le Florp, 
Two sermons preached before the society deal with the plans \ 
of the United States to defeat the designs of England and 
France in Texas and secure for the American Union the 
great state that the Senate,^ in the exercise of its treaty mak- 
ing power, had rejected. In this number of the Quarterly 
J. I'rcd Ripi'yi movctl by the striking ignoring in periodicals 
and diplomatic correspondence of the many punitive expedi- 
tions that the United States has sent into Mexico, con- 
tributes a paper on some Precedents of the Pershing Exf 
pedition. A. K. Christian concludes the life of Mirabeau 
Buonaparte Lamar with a chapter on his closing years. , 

The James Sprimt Historical Piiblicatious of the Univers-' 
ity of North Carolina, number i, volume 17, contain a schol- 
arly paper by R. H. Taylor on the Free Negro in North 
Carolina and a valuable paper by Francis H. Cooper on 
Some Colonial History of Craven County. 

An interesting publication by the State Historical Society 
of Iowa is the Palimpset, a monthly magazine, the aim of 
which is "to present the materials of Iowa History in a form 
that is attractive and a style that is popular in the best sense 
— to the end that the story of our Commonwealth may be 
more widely read and cherished". The March number is 
evidence that the magazine is achieving this aim. It con- 
tains a description of Bradford — ^A Prairie Village by H. 
Clark Brown and the story by Charlton G. Laird of the Lit- 
tle Brown Church in the Vale that has spread the fame of 





Bradford. There is also ^-J^^^^^^^^t^.t'^^^ 

of the English ^^^'X^'^mI^^ to a wide circle of 
in an attractive style that snouiu a^v 









Dr. Cleo Hearon, Professor of History in Agnes Scott 
Col ege andmember of the Board of Editors of the Georgia v*| 
Historical Quarterly is spending the summer in Europe J '| 

Dr C Mildred Thompson, associate professor of Hi$.i 
tory in V^ar College, whose article on "The Freedmen's 1 

herTfT ?°'^-" ir^^^^-V ^PP^^^'^^ '" '^' March num. 1 
ber of the Georgia Historical Quarterly was sent as the dele ' 

gate from Vassar College to the Anglo-American Confer- 
ence of Professors of History held at the University of Lon- 
don in the week of July 1 1. ^ ; 


Dr. E. Merton Coulter, of the University of Georgia and 
m mber of the Board of Editors of the Georgia Hiftorical 
Quarterly was a lecturer in history in the University of Col! 
orado for the summer session— He has been devoting the 
jme for the first half of the present year to researchZk in 
the interest of his history of Kentucky-It is his purpose o 
return to the University of Georgia in September 


JrL A ^""^^ gratifying that, notwithstanding the fin. 

ancial depression which has prevailed for sometime, there 
IS continued interest in the effort being made to secure un 

Zt^rrlTl '" t^ ^,'"^^^'°"'^ institutior;ithla 
h^.. ^*H J """"'• ^''"^''"' ^^"^^"f^' and friends of ' 

peal. Nothing should be permitted to interfere with so 
worthy an endeavor, for Georgia cannot afford to ne^the ' 
education of her youth, and in fact our colleges and univers! should be better equipped than ever before 

Ins'[itution^n7 W "1°^ "•''"'■'"^ ^""^^^ •" ^h« Carnegie ' 
Institution of Washington is collecting the material for an 

edition, in several volumes, of the Correspondence of Andrew^ 

Jackson, to be edited by Professor John S. Bassett of Smith 
College, Jackson's biographer. All persons who possess let- 
ters of General Jackson or ijnportant letters to him or who 
know where there are collections of his correspondence, or 
even single letters, would confer a favor by writing to Dr. 
J. F. Jameson, director of the department named, 1140 
Woodward Building, Washington, D. C. 

The Georgia Historical Quarterly desires to be of service 
in stimulating interest in history through clubs and other local 
organizations and should welcome suggestions as to the best 
methods to be followed in rendering this service. The fol- 
lowing are some of the clubs and classes organized for the 
study of history and kindred subjects: History Club of 
Macon, President, Mrs. Edwin S. Davis, Bonnie Crest, 
Macon; Nineteenth Century History Class, President, Mrs. 
Robert C. Alston, 878 Peachtree St., Atlanta. The History 
Class, President, Mrs. J. H. Gilbert, 724 Piedmont Ave., 
Atlanta. Every Saturday Class, President, Mrs, Henry C. 
Peeples, 719 Piedmont Ave., Atlanta. The Reviewers, Pres- 
ident, Mrs. De Los Hill, 282 Ponce de Leon Ave., Atlanta. 
The Quraterly should be pleased to mention any other such 
organizations as soon as information can be secured regard, 
ing them. 

The Quarterly wishes to recognize the new magazine 
"Georgia", published by The Georgia Association. It is 
known as a "Magazine of Progress' devoted to the develop- 
ment of Georgia, and contains information of interest re- 

I' garding agriculture, industry, education and other fields of 

If activity throughout the State. 

;'; Mr. C. Seymour Thompson, librarian of the Savannah 

j, Public Library, and member of the Board of Editors of The 

J Georgia Historical Quarterly, is to be commended for his 

purpose to make that library more serviceable. "Public 



Library News", published monthly under his direction coi:^t 
tains information regarding books, arranged in such way a^^ 
to attract the attention and stimulate interest. We welcome 
"Public Library News" as a splendid means of accomplish* 
ing the result which is greatly desired by Mr. Thompson, 
that is, "to popularize the library and make it more useful — ' 
and more used." . , ^J 

It was an occasion of unusual interest at Mercer Uniyers* 
ity on May 5, when Mr. I'^rcderick Moore adtlressed the fac-? 
ulty and students on current international problerns. Mtj 
Moore was the representative of The Institute of Internat«1 
ional Education located in New York, which is seeking to, 
increase interest in international affairs by the organization of 
clubs in colleges and universities for the study of internatioi^al 
relations. He is eminently qualified to discuss international 
affairs since he has served as a newspaper correspondent |n 
London and on the Continent. 1 Ic was in Europe at the tin^e 
of the World War and during the Peace Conference and is 
therefore well informed as to the international problem; 
which developed therefrom. 






VOL. V— No. 4 



Dollar ft Number. Three Dollars a Year 



Entered a. ae^nd ^X.T:!'oJ^'\\^'^''^^ 
•t the post ;» Viug^t 24, 1812. 




Library News", published monthly under his direction coii« 
tains information regarding books, arranged in such way g|^ 
to attract the attention ami stimulate interest. We welcomp^ 
"Public Library News" as a splendid means of accomplish' 
ing the result which is greatly desired by Mr. Thompson, 
that is, "to popularise the library and make it more useful — ' 
and more used." ^4 

It was an occasion of unusual interest at Mercer Univers*' 
ity on May 5, when Mr. I^cdcrick Moore adtlressed the fac*^] 
ulty and students on current international problems. Mr^; 
Moore was the representative of The Institute of Internattl 
ional Education located in New York, which is seeking to| 
increase interest in international affairs by the organization of 
clubs in colleges and universities for the study of internatioj^al 
relations. He is eminently qualified to discuss international 
affairs since he has served as a newspaper correspondent jn 
London and on the Continent. 1 le was in Europe at the tin^e 
of the World War and during the Peace Conference and is 
therefore well informed as to the international problem? 
which developed therefrom. 

,*■» Vj' 





81? t':. 



VOL. V— No. 4 



Dollar a Number. Three Dollars a Year 

,t the poBt '>J^^^t'')^^Zt 24, 1912. 

:ry inc. I 

5EPT 95